“Rolling Up the Sleeves”1 How EU policy towards Serbia and Montenegro acts as the glue that holds the State Union together?

The most powerful tool of EU foreign policy in dealing with potential candidate countries (and beyond) is that of political conditionality. The successes of this policy, as well as its spectacular failures, have been largely well documented by the political science research community. Far less research, however, goes into explaining the scenarios where the EU goes “beyond conditionality” (Teokarevic 2003) in its dealings with potential candidates for membership in the EU. The goal of this paper is to explain the extremely intensive and pro-active EU involvement in the drafting of the Constitution of Serbia and Montenegro and the subsequent attempts by Brussels to determine the future nature of the union between these neighboring republics. In answering this question the paper looks at the history of EU’s involvement in the region and attempts to provide a theoretical framework that can best provide the explanation for the motivation of EU’s policy makers to utilize such a direct strategy of involvement that goes far “beyond conditionality”.The conclusions of this paper are that EU went “beyond conditionality” in dealing with Serbia and Montenegro on two levels: functional and theoretical. On the functional level, EU did not employ the principle of conditionality per se. Instead of placing conditions on Serbia and Montenegro and then cajoling the two to settle their differences (both pre-State Union agreement and post-Action Plan), EU actually went in and was actively involved, “beyond conditionality”, in resolving problems that arose from the weak State Union (harmonizing the financial systems, parliamentary referendum crisis, independence referendum rules clarification and public declarations supporting the State Union).On a more theoretical level of foreign policy preference formation, conditionality had been replaced by ‘high politics’ (similar to the cases of Romania, Bulgaria and Macedonia). This can be explained both by a bureaucratic/institutional approach that draws upon neo-functionalism and the constructivist approach, in particular in terms of how the EU constructs its foreign policy preferences. The case of Serbia and Montenegro, which because of its volatility is probably the most important accession case, shows us that high politics indeed rule out in the end of the day and that the EU is read and willing to “look the other way” on a number of its own conditions, for the sake of realpolitik.

Download Full-text

Israel and the European Union

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics ◽

10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1135 ◽

2019 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Sharon Pardo

Keyword(s):

European Union ◽

Middle East ◽

The Other ◽

The Political ◽

The European Union ◽

Trade Relations ◽

History Of ◽

The One ◽

Integration Project ◽

The Eu

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.

Download Full-text

Political history of Farakka Barrage and its effects on environment in Bangladesh

Bandung Journal of the Global South ◽

10.1186/s40728-015-0027-5 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

pp. 1-14 ◽

Cited By ~ 11

Author(s):

Mohammad Abul Kawser ◽

Md. Abdus Samad

Keyword(s):

Water Governance ◽

The Political ◽

Policy Makers ◽

Health And Wellbeing ◽

Historical Perspectives ◽

The Past ◽

Farakka Barrage ◽

History Of ◽

Historical Developments ◽

The Ganges

Soon after the partition of the subcontinent in 1947, India took initiative to construct a barrage on its side of the Ganges and commissioned it in 1975. In the past few decades, many of the 54 Bangladeshi Rivers that originate in India have either been diverted or dammed upstream, inside India. All of these hydro-developmental initiatives have left a profound impact on Bangladesh as it is at the receiving end of the Himalayan fluvial regime. In particular, Bangladesh’s agriculture, fisheries, and human health and wellbeing are reported to have been significantly affected by the disruption of natural water flow in its rivers. The debate over the water sharing issues between India and Bangladesh dates back as early as their birth but the historical developments of the disputes have never been adequately addressed in settling the issues. This paper analyzes the political developments in Bangladesh and India over Farakka issue from historical perspectives. It also reveals the adverse effects of Farakka Barrage on environment in Bangladesh. The aim is to provide policy makers with the insights into historical developments of disputes centred on Farakka Barrage to contribute towards better water governance.

Download Full-text

Why media companies insist they're not media companies, why they're wrong, and why it matters

First Monday ◽

10.5210/fm.v22i5.7051 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 22 (5) ◽

Cited By ~ 19

Author(s):

Philip Napoli ◽

Robyn Caplan

Keyword(s):

Policy Implications ◽

The Political ◽

Policy Makers ◽

Media Companies ◽

Communications Technologies ◽

Common Position ◽

Social Media Platforms ◽

History Of ◽

Semantic Distinction

A common position amongst social media platforms and online content aggregators is their resistance to being characterized as media companies. Rather, companies such as Google, Facebook, and Twitter have regularly insisted that they should be thought of purely as technology companies. This paper critiques the position that these platforms are technology companies rather than media companies, explores the underlying rationales, and considers the political, legal, and policy implications associated with accepting or rejecting this position. As this paper illustrates, this is no mere semantic distinction, given the history of the precise classification of communications technologies and services having profound ramifications for how these technologies and services are considered by policy-makers and the courts.

Download Full-text

Stanowisko PPR/PZPR wobec obchodów święta 11 listopada

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne ◽

10.19195/1643-0328.26.11 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 26 ◽

pp. 162-178

Author(s):

Barbara I. Rogowska

Keyword(s):

21St Century ◽

Media Coverage ◽

Human Values ◽

The Political ◽

Political Situation ◽

Main Form ◽

Political Status ◽

Political Forces ◽

History Of ◽

The Eu

Position of the Polish Workersʼ Party on the celebration of Independence Day The history of the anniversary celebrations on 11 November reflects the complicated traditions of the nation and the Polish state. For years the celebrations were accompanied by numerous changes in the ideological, legal, political and ritual layer. Individual political and social formations as well as subsequent generations of Polish citizens celebrated the anniversary of regaining independence by assigning to it different ideological, political and axiological values. Ove the course of a hundred years, it has gained a different legal and political status. From the celebration of local military circles, then political, through national anniversaries, school ceremonies to the establishment of a public holiday.In the 21st century, the holiday is additionally used by various political forces. The main form of the celebration is the Independence March. During the march Polish patriotic and human values are presented. But it also becomes the grounds for publicizing various values and anti-values. International interest in the march is dictated by the propagation of sometimes anti-democratic slogans and the political situation in Poland and the EU. Various political forces sometimes try to use the Independence Day in a spectacular way for political purposes, for media coverage, for election fights with political opponents.

Download Full-text

Well informed Farmers and Consumers are positive about GM Crops in Europe and Africa

Afrika Focus ◽

10.21825/af.v32i2.15766 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 32 (2) ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

G. Gheysen ◽

J. Maes ◽

M. Valcke ◽

E.I.R. Sanou ◽

S. Speelman ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Key Words ◽

Genetically Modified ◽

Gm Crops ◽

The Political ◽

Policy Makers ◽

Gm Crop ◽

Crop Cultivation ◽

Gm Food ◽

Public Reaction ◽

The Eu

Genetically modified (GM) crops are cultivated globally on more than 185 million hectares, but the use of GM crops in Europe and Africa is very limited. Politicians are reluctant to allow such crops because they fear negative public reaction. The political hostility in the EU towards GM crops also has a significant impact on how African policy makers form their opinions for accepting GM crops in their own countries. However, studies reveal that specific types of GM food are welcomed by consumers and that few Europeans avoid GM labels when buying food. Similarly, African farmers and consumers are generally positive about GM crops. Policy makers should take these results into account when a decision needs to be made on whether or not to allow GM crop cultivation in their country. KEY WORDS: ACCEPTANCE, AFRICA, CONSUMERS, EUROPE, FARMERS, GM CROPS

Download Full-text

ARTICLE 7 PROCESS AND DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING OF HUNGARY AND POLAND. DEMOCRACY AND THE RULE OF LAW

On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe ◽

10.24193/ojmne.2020.34.03 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 57-85

Author(s):

Łukasz ZAMĘCKI ◽

Viktor GLIED

Keyword(s):

Rule Of Law ◽

The Political ◽

Eastern European ◽

Council Of Europe ◽

Checks And Balances ◽

The Rule Of Law ◽

History Of ◽

Eastern European Countries ◽

First Time ◽

The Eu

This paper examines developments in Poland following the 2015 elections and in Hungary since 2010, which included the gradual destruction of democratic institutions, challenges to the rule of law, as well as to the system of checks and balances. The authors consider the Ziblatt–Levitsky model (2018) as a meaningful framework for the analysis of the way in which the power structure was reshaped and have based their research on the classification set out in this model. Our objective is to present the political changes that took place in the two Central-Eastern-European countries during the last decade that resulted in the process under Article 7 being used for the first time in the history of the EU. The paper conclusion is that the path of de-democratization of Hungary and Poland is seen from the perspective of the EU and Council of Europe, as similar one. In actions taken toward both countries, the EU concerns mostly the principle of the rule of law.

Download Full-text

The Moral and Political Dimension of Economics The Fact-Value Dichotomy

Annales Etyka w życiu gospodarczym ◽

10.18778/1899-2226.19.4.01 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 19 (4) ◽

Author(s):

Vasco Almeida

Keyword(s):

Moral Philosophy ◽

Economic Thought ◽

History Of Economic Thought ◽

The Political ◽

Policy Makers ◽

Political Dimension ◽

Economic Theories ◽

Positive Science ◽

History Of ◽

Economic Analyses

Since the neoclassical school, the separation between facts and values, is and ought, positive and normative, has become a concern in conventional economic analyses. Economics should focus on facts, and present general principles, leaving the choice of various technical alternatives to policy makers. This article addresses the following questions: can economics, seen as a positive science, be separated from the political dimension? Is it possible to separate facts from values or are they necessarily intertwined?After showing how the separation between economics and moral philosophy unfolded throughout the history of economic thought, the article analyses the factvalue dichotomy discussion and concludes that facts and values are necessarily intertwined. Then, the article shows that the premises and theories of conventional economic theories contain hidden values, despite being presented as universal truths on which policies are based, and thus fail to discuss the various perspectives of the problems.Reviving a tradition commenced by Aristotle, the article concludes by arguing that economics is necessarily moral and political. However, the acknowledgement of the normative nature of economics cannot compromise the pursuit of objectivity.

Download Full-text

Expanding European Integration towards the Western Balkans in Times of Crises: A Neo-Functionalist Examination

Central European Journal of International and Security Studies ◽

10.51870/cejiss.140401 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 14 (4) ◽

pp. 75-98

Author(s):

Özer Binici

Keyword(s):

Eu Enlargement ◽

Future Research ◽

The Political ◽

The European Union ◽

Western Balkans ◽

Research Directions ◽

Association Agreement ◽

Eu Foreign Policy ◽

Future Research Directions ◽

The Eu

This article examines the political practices of the European Union (EU) in the Western Balkans and, in particular, the EU-Kosovo relations by adopting the revisited neo-functionalism approach to the study of EU enlargement. This research draws on the descriptive and explanatory assumptions of the approach; it not only explains the development of the EU enlargement perspective towards the region but also explores the main dynamics behind the EU’s strategy towards the region, beginning from the outbreak of the Yugoslavia War and the reflections associated with the development of the EU foreign policy realm. More specifically, the research focuses on the dynamics underlying the process of the development of Stabilization and Association Agreement with Kosovo. In the conclusion, future research directions and limitations of the revisited neo-functionalism are discussed.

Download Full-text

Making Sense of the Complexity of Business-Government Relations in the EU

Business Lobbying in the European Union ◽

10.1093/oso/9780199589753.003.0007 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 172-188

Author(s):

David Coen ◽

Alexander Katsaitis ◽

Matia Vannoni

Keyword(s):

Political Theory ◽

Theory Of The Firm ◽

The Political ◽

Political Arena ◽

Policy Makers ◽

Government Relations ◽

Making Sense ◽

Policy Cycles ◽

Structure And Functions ◽

The Eu

In this chapter, we develop a political theory of the firm that draws from a micro-, meso-, and macro-perspective. In doing so, we develop a theory that brings together a set of pieces that form a sum greater than its parts. Specifically, it looks at how the structure and functions of institutions affect how the firm behaves in the political arena. It goes on to look at the variation in business behaviour across policy areas and stages of the policy cycles and it concludes with the focus on the internal features of the company. The chapter concludes by providing some recommendations for scholars of business and politics, policy-makers, and lobbyists.

Download Full-text