scholarly journals The Sphere of Critical Thinking in a Post-Epistemic World

1994 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Fuller

Just as political theorists have long argued that democracy is viable only in communities of certain sizes and shapes, perhaps epistemologists should also entertain the idea that knowledge is possible only within certain social parameters-ones which today's world may have exceeded. This is what I mean by the "postepistemic" society. I understand an "epistemic society" in Popperian terms as an environment that fosters the spirit of conjectures and refutations. After castigating analytic philosophers for their failure to see this point, I show how Rousseau and Feyerabend occupy analogous positions as critics of, respectively, the nation-state and Big Science. Rather than endorsing the disestablishment of the state, however, I offer a proposal for reinjecting the critical attitude into Big Science. It involves heightening the sporting character of scientific disputes, perhaps even to the point of enabling the public to bet on their outcomes.

2020 ◽  
pp. 69-85
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Poggi

This chapter examines how the nation-state came into being and how it became dominant as a political unit. It first presents a general and streamlined portrait of the state—a concept that sociologists inspired by Max Weber might call an ideal type. In particular, it considers some of the characteristics of a nation-state, including monopoly of legitimate violence, territoriality, sovereignty, plurality, and relation to the population. The chapter proceeds by discussing a more expansive concept of the nation-state, taking into account the role of law, centralized organization, the distinction between state and society, religion and the market, the public sphere, the burden of conflict, and citizenship and nation. The chapter also describes five paths in state formation and concludes with an assessment of three main phases which different European states have followed in somewhat varying sequences: consolidation of rule, rationalization of rule, and expansion of rule.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Kwiek

This article is based on the Keynote Address to the European Conference on Educational Research (ECER), Dublin, Ireland, 7–10 September 2005. It argues that we are facing the simultaneous renegotiation of the major post-war social contract (concerning the welfare state) in Europe and the renegotiation of a smaller-scale modern social pact: the pact between the university and the nation-state. It suggests that the current, and especially future, transformations of the university are not fully clear outside of the context of transformations to the state (and to the public sector) under global pressures. These pressures, both directly and indirectly, will not leave the university as an institution unaffected. Thus it is more useful today than ever before to discuss the future of the university in the context of the current transformations of the state. The study is divided into four sections: a brief introduction; a section on the university and the welfare state in Europe; a section on the university and the nation-state in Europe; and tentative conclusions.


Author(s):  
Tomas Borovinsky

In the present paper we intend to rethink the “Jewish question”, in the context of religion’s secularization and the modern nation-state crisis, in Hannah Arendt’s political thought. She writes, on the other hand, in and over the decline of modern nation-states that expel and denationalize both foreign citizens and their own depending on the case. She also thinks as a Jew from birth who suffers persecutions and particularly theorizes on her Jew condition and the future of Judaism before and after the creation of the State of Israel. As we will see during this paper we can identify these three issues all together, particularly in the Zionist experience: modern secularization, decline of the nation-state and the “Jewish question”. And it is from these intertwined elements that we can draw a critical thinking for a politics of pluralism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Kleber Abreu Sousa ◽  
Weimar Freire Da Rocha ◽  
Mariana Ribeiro De Matos ◽  
Andréia De Carvalho Silva ◽  
Debora De Oliveira Sousa

With this work, we pretend to present, after a bibliographic review effort, a critical thinking about the initiatives of the government of the State of Amazonas in the promotion of the investments in innovation, and map the main economic sectors which are being benefited from the application of the public resources for promoting innovation. The results of this study allow concluding that the preoccupation and the interest of the regional companies - mainly the information technology, phytocosmetics, phytotherapy, and food companies - in running for public bids, like economic subsidy programs, may stimulate the appearing of new companies in the referred sectors and even promote the technological expansion and adding value to regional products.


Author(s):  
Gianfranco Poggi

This chapter examines how the nation-state came into being and how it became dominant as a political unit. It first presents a general and streamlined portrait of the state — a concept that sociologists inspired by Max Weber might call an ideal type. In particular, it considers some of the characteristics of a nation-state, including monopoly of legitimate violence, territoriality, sovereignty, plurality, and relation to the population. The chapter proceeds by discussing a more expansive concept of the nation-state, taking into account the role of law, centralized organization, the distinction between state and society, religion and the market, the public sphere, the burden of conflict, and citizenship and nation. The chapter also describes five paths in state formation and concludes with an assessment of three main phases which different European states have followed in somewhat varying sequences: consolidation of rule, rationalization of rule, and expansion of rule.


Author(s):  
Giacinto della Cananea

This chapter focuses on the changing relationship between administrative law and the nation-state. The starting point is, simply, that the nation-state now operates in an increasingly complex web of national, transnational, and supranational legal processes. The chapter asserts that this is no mere incremental change. Arguably, it requires us to reconsider, both normatively and empirically, the traditional paradigm according to which administrative law is a sort of national enclave. Normatively, it is important to understand that at the basis of this paradigm there is not just a set of ideas and beliefs about the particularities of each national legal culture or tradition, but there is a certain vision of the state. Empirically, there are various forms of interaction between national, international, and supranational legal orders that are worth considering. As such, the chapter draws upon some case studies and argues that the jurisprudence of international and supranational courts can help us to understand both why the general principles shared by most, if not all, legal orders are relevant for the public authorities that act beyond the states and why such principles must be taken into account within national systems.


1996 ◽  
Vol 4 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 289-300 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractThis paper analyses clashes which took place between Belgian police and young people mainly from 'immigrant' backgrounds in Brussels during 1991. Four models were developed in the Belgian press for understanding the violence, but a deeper understanding of the public confrontations requires an alternative explanation which places local events in a wider context of power and state. The conflict should more properly be understood as the reaction of a relatively powerless community to its disadvantaged situation. The young people were acting not as victims but as active agents questioning dominant notions and policies concerning 'integration', challenging the ethnic labels applied to them and asserting a desire for citizenship rights. Despite these positive reactions the relationship between minorities and the state has not radically changed and violence could easily break out again as more recent events have demonstrated.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 128-131
Author(s):  
Muhammed Haron

Political Islam has been under the scholarly spotlight for over two decades.The events in the Muslim heartlands and beyond have caused scholars tocritically investigate the relationship between religion and politics throughoutthe era of secularism; some arguing that religion is on its way out, andothers stating that it is gradually gaining ground in the public arena. For thewestern-trained scholar, the religion-politics divide is a sine qua non; however,for those outside the scholarly circles, religion has always been connectedto and intertwined with politics. This has been the case with Islam.The editors of this text, which focuses on the nature of political Islam andthe nation-state on the African continent, have brought together a crop ofscholars with divergent views. It consists of nine chapters, an introductioncoauthored by Hussein Solomon and Akeem Fadare, and a conclusion coauthoredby Solomon and Firoza Butler ...


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Anwar Nawawi

This paper examines the meaning of religious freedom in Indonesia, the perspective of the Indonesian Ulema Council and the Indonesian National Commission especially in the context of Ahmadiyah. The essence of religion is freedom of religion. Therefore the state should protect the public interest, by guaranteeing the freedom of religion. But what happens in Indonesia as a nation state nempaknya will have difficulty to really fair to the minority. And in Indonesia Islam that becomes the majority often apply this way. This is as it is done with the flow of beliefs, or even against the Islamic groups themselves who call the Ahmadiyya school. Here there is a debate about the meaning of religious freedom between MUI and Komnas HAM. The focus of this paper is how is religious freedom in Indonesia in the perspective of MUI and Komnas HAM in the context of Ahmadiyya Jamaat?


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-33
Author(s):  
Luke Strongman

Ideas about the public realm arose from the emergence of the nation-state and the theories of sovereignty – a reaction to the claims of unrestrained power by monarchs and parliaments to make law and possibly to free the private spheres from the encroaching power of the state (Horwitz 1982). This article explores the nature of this paradox in delineating and commenting on the meanings of the shared boundaries of the terms ‘public and private' from within the context of the neoliberal critique of Keynesian policies. The public-private distinction is replete with variables such as ownership, impact on societal values, and openness to external influences within society (Perry and Rainey 1988). From an organisational communication perspective while Public and Private Partnerships may be efficient at achieving specific societal ends, they nevertheless may compromise important civic concepts in doing so.


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