Participation of Britain and its role in the elaboration of the London Inter-Allied Conference’s decisions on the “Russian question” (December 11-13, 1919)

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 351-360
Author(s):  
Sergei A. Mironyuk

The London Inter-Allied Conference on the "Russian question" (December 11-13, 1919) is rarely mentioned by historians, but a landmark event in the history of British participation in foreign intervention in Russia - and in a broad sense an interesting phenomenon in world history. During the Conference in London participants - Britain, Italy, USA, France and Japan - discussed the future of the intervention and in general a new foreign policy strategy regarding Russia in the context of the evident Bolsheviks’ victory in the Civil War and the formation of a new system of international relations after the First World War, in which it was necessary to determine the position of Russia. The approaches and methods adopted in London, as practice shows, seem to be currently relevant. The purpose of this article is to analyze the participation of Britain and determine its role in the development of decisions of the London Inter-Allied Conference on the "Russian question" on the basis of previously uninvolved documents of the Cabinet of Ministers and the Parliament of the United Kingdom, as well as sources of personal origin. The decisions of the London Conference on the "Russian question" put an end to largescale military assistance to the White movement and thus contributed to the end of the Russian Civil War. The British government played a key role in producing the decisions of the London Conference. The Government had prepared thoroughly for the Conference and had proposed its draft decisions.

Author(s):  
S. M. Sivkov

The article provides a review of the work of a famous member of the First world and the civil war in Russia, an Expat, a supporter of the ideas of General Kutepov Colonel Zaitcova A. A. “1918: essays on the history of the Russian Civil war"publisher “X-History", 2015. The author reveals the main content of the work and special approach A. A. Sizova closely connected with the events of the Civil war with the First world war, made a conclusion about the nature of war in Russia. Disclosed some biographical data of Colonel A. A. Zaitcova.


Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele

This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United Kingdom. Although a few suffragists and some subsequent scholars have claimed that women's role in preparations for the First World War paved the way for their inclusion, it argues that on its own, a shift in public opinion was not enough, nor was it strictly necessary, to guarantee women's enfranchisement. Instead, it proposes that the war's greatest influence on suffrage lay in the creation of a multi-party wartime cabinet, which saw Arthur Henderson, a Labour leader and a key player in the Election Fighting Fund, appointed to the government. Henderson's early and persistent lobbying prior to the 1916 “Speaker's Conference” on electoral reform is critical for understanding how women's suffrage made its way into the 1918 Representation of the People Act.


Author(s):  
Amelia M. Kiddle

During the Mexican Revolution and the long period of reconstruction that followed, successive Mexican presidents navigated the stormy seas of international relations. Though forced to manage repeated cases of foreign intervention in its internal affairs, the government actually enjoyed considerable freedom of action during and after the Revolution because of the world historical context. From the First World War to the Second, heightened tensions and mounting international conflicts worldwide diverted the attention of foreign governments and enabled skillful Mexican diplomats to take advantage of world conditions to advance their own agendas for international relations and domestic reform on the international stage as they sought to establish Mexico’s place within the international states system, and world history, as the first social revolution of the 20th century.


BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS EUROPE, 1919–1939 Neville Chamberlain and appeasement. By R. Caputi. London: Susquehanna University Press, 2000. Pp. 271. ISBN 1-57591-027-6. £35.00. The Paris Peace Conference, 1919: peace without victory? Edited by M. Dockrill and J. Fisher. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. xvi+97. ISBN 0-333-77630-5. £40.00. British foreign policy, 1919–1939. By P. W. Doerr. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998. Pp. xi+291. ISBN 0-7190-4672-6. £14.99. Neville Chamberlain. By D. Dutton. London: Edward Arnold, 2001. Pp. xii+245. ISBN 0-340-70627-9. £12.99. Austen Chamberlain and the commitment to Europe: British foreign policy, 1924–1929. By R. S. Grayson. London: Frank Cass, 1997. Pp. xviii+318. ISBN 0-7146-4758-6. £37.50. Lloyd George and the lost peace: from Versailles to Hitler, 1919–1940. By A. Lentin. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. xvii+182. ISBN 0-333-91961-0. £40.00. Peacemakers: the Paris Conference of 1919 and its attempt to end war. By M. Macmillan. London: John Murray, 2001. Pp. xii+574. ISBN 0-7195-5939-1. £25.00. ‘The Times’ and appeasement: the journals of A. L. Kennedy, 1932–1939. Edited by G. Martel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Royal Historical Society, Camden Fifth Series. Pp. xvii+312. ISBN 0-521-79354-8. £40.00. Britain and the Ruhr crisis. By E. Y. O'Riordan. London: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. x+237. ISBN 0-333-76483-8. £40.00. The Neville Chamberlain diary letters,I: The making of a politician, 1915–1920. Edited by R. Self. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000. Pp. ix+423. ISBN 1-84014-691-5. £75.00. The Neville Chamberlain diary letters, II: The reform years, 1921–1927. Edited by R. Self. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000. Pp. x+461. ISBN 1-84014-692-3. £75.00.

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 479-492
Author(s):  
GAYNOR JOHNSON

In the last eighty years, an enormous amount of scholarly attention has been devoted to explaining why Europe was at the centre of two cataclysmic conflicts in the first half of the twentieth century. The books considered here represent part of a resurgence of interest in British foreign policy in the interwar period and are primarily concerned with the policy of reconciliation towards the former Central Powers after the First World War, especially the appeasement of Germany. They offer a further opportunity to challenge the still-held misapprehension that appeasement was a strand of British policy that only appeared after Hitler's rise to power. They also offer a means of examining British foreign policy through sources inside and outside the government. Gordon Martel's volume illustrates the amount of journalistic pressure that was put on the British government to recognize and act on the likely threats to international peace. Austen and Neville Chamberlain, the sons of the great nineteenth-century Conservative politician, Joseph Chamberlain, were at the centre of the British foreign policy making process during the interwar period. Indeed, Robert Self's two volumes of letters written by Neville Chamberlain to his sisters illustrate how steeped in foreign and domestic politics the whole Chamberlain family was. Richard Grayson sees a long, unbroken attempt to accommodate Germany diplomatically starting with Austen Chamberlain and the treaty of Locarno. The importance of Neville Chamberlain's contribution to the history of British foreign policy is offered further recognition through surveys of the historiography of his premiership by David Dutton and Robert Caputi.


1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin David Dubin

A remarkable document in the history of international organization is a detailed constitution for a league of nations which was given limited distribution in March 1915 under the title “Proposals for the Avoidance of War”. Prepared by British liberal and socialist critics of prewar British diplomacy headed by Lord Bryce, the historian, jurist, and retired ambassador to the United States, it undoubtedly was the single most influential scheme for a league of nations produced during the First World War. Although the “Proposals” recommended neither international social or economic cooperation nor measures of international administration, it was known to the authors of the major league schemes prepared in the United Kingdom and the United States during the First World War and to officials in both countries. Indeed, the document was the source of key concepts and language embodied in 1919 in the Covenant of the League of Nations and subsequently in the Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) and of its successor, the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Yet discussion of the “Proposals” in the literature on the origins of the League of Nations is both cursory and imprecise. Even such writers as Henry R. Winkler and Alfred Zimmern who recognize its importance seem not to understand how the “Proposals” evolved and how early and pervasive an influence it had.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (52) ◽  
pp. 136-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rogério Justino ◽  
Décio Gatti Júnior

Abstract This paper communicates the results of research in the area of the History of School Subjects, the object of which is the way the theme of the First World War has been depicted in textbooks used in Brazil and abroad. A premise of this study is that textbooks are important tools in school life, contributing to the vision students have of the world. As such, five different textbooks used in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and the United Kingdom were analyzed. It was observed that there was predominance of a narrative based on the explanatory triad - antecedents, development, and consequences; emphasis on an androcentric discourse, backed up with great names and deeds, with a Eurocentric bias; and dissonance in the interpretations made in the books analyzed, and only in the British book did the conflict occur as a result of an accident.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Maavara

The Finnish Civil War, fought from January to May 1918, was one of the many small scale Eastern European conflicts fought in the ideological and ethnic turmoil that followed the Russian Revolution and the First World War.  The war was fought between socialist Finnish Reds and conservative Finnish Whites. Despite its class conflict characteristics, the Civil War was manufactured by the Whites as a War of Liberation from Russia. The Whites successfully mobilized Finnish nationalism by exploiting the nature and history of Finnish socialism to reveal contradictions in socialist policies and painting the Reds as puppets of Russian communists.


2021 ◽  
pp. 477-507
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Ganin

This article introduces previously unpublished memoirs of General P. S. Makhrov about the events of the Civil war in the Ukraine in 1918. Makhrov’s Memoirs from the Bakhmeteff Archive of Russian and East European History and Culture, Columbia University are an important source for the different events of the late XIX — first half of the XX century. Primarily on the history of the First world war and Civil war in Russia and Ukraine. The memoirist describes in detail the Ukraine under Hetman P. P. Skoropadski and the German occupation. P. S. Makhrov pays special attention to the behavior of officers in independent Ukraine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 702-714
Author(s):  
A. F. Krivonozhenko ◽  

The article deals with the situation in Petrograd University (St. Petersburg State University) which developed during the Russian Civil War. The University was one of the biggest centers of science and education at the beginning of the First World War. The Bolsheviks’ coming to power was not accepted by professors and students, and during 1917–1919 they awaited the fall of the Bolsheviks in Petrograd. Thus, the University corporation was an ideological enemy of the Bolsheviks. This antagonism further intensified during the realization of high school reform by Narkompros. The University did not want to lose its autonomy; however, the Bolsheviks perceived it as a source of counterrevolutionary activity. This led to repression of University professors in 1919 during the offensives of General Yudenich against Petrograd. Further, attention is paid to how the University community perceived the Civil War. The infamous “philosophical steamboat” was the last act of state terror against the Petrograd University during the Civil War. The University became a symbol of an alternative to the reform of higher education, based on autonomy and opposed to the position of the Bolshevik authorities, that remained unrealized.


Author(s):  
S. V. Novikov ◽  

The article is devoted to the study of the circumstances of coming to power in the anti-Bolshevik Omsk of Admiral A. V. Kolchak. He concentrated in his hands the executive, legislative, judicial and military power becoming the Supreme Ruler of Russia and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. The author comes to the conclusion that the appearance of A.V. Kolchak in Omsk was a consequence of the contradictions between British and French politicians, and the admiral himself, relying on the British, was a victim of a redivision of the world following the First World War


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