O "coletivo'' como estratégia territorial dos cativos

GEOgraphia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (17) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugo Freitas Dos Santos
Keyword(s):  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Critical Criminology ◽  
Prison System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Geography ◽  
The Real ◽  
Territorial Organization ◽  
And Control ◽  
Brazilian Studies

Este artigo analisa o ordenamento terriorial configurado pelo "coletivo" dos detentos nos presídios e penitenciárias do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Nossa proposta vem incorporar-se ao conjunto de estudos brasileiros sobre a pena privativa de liberdade e sobre as funções reais e simbólicas por ela desempenhadas. Sob a orientação da Geografia critica e de um conjunto de tendências interdisciplinares, no bojo da "criminologia crítica", examinamos o "coletivo" como estratégia de ação temtorial dos presos, ampliando a discussão sobre a luta do poder político nas prisões e valorizando o papel do domínio dos territórios e das territorialidades referentes ao espaço prisional. Nosso testemunho sobre o "coletivo" se ampara nas considerações conceituais do território e da territorialidade e seus vínculos com as relações de poder, observando as implicações que a formação territorial do "coletivo" institui na "sociedade dos cativos", bem como nas particularidades político-jurídicas e sócio-culturais que envolvem o poder, a disciplina, a vigilância, os saberes e o controle, além das alusões desdobradas, contraditórias e supervalorizadas do sistema prisional. Abstract This article analyses the territorial organization shaped by the "collective" of the detainees in prisons of the State of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Our proposal comes to be incorporated to the set of Brazilian studies on the private feather of freedom and to the real and symbolic functions that are fulfilled by it. Under the approach of Critical Geography and a set of interdisciplinary tendencies in the area of "critical criminology", we examine the "collective" like strategy of territorial action of the prisoners, enlarging the discussion on the struggle of the political power in prisons and valuing its role, concerning to territories and territorialities referring to the prison space. Our testimony about the "collective" is supported by conceptual considerations about territory andterritoriality and its bonds with the power relations, observing the implications that territorial formation of the "collective" establishes in the "society of the captives", in the legal-political and socio-cultural specificities that wrap power, discipline, vigilance, knowledge and control, besides the unfolded, contradictory and supervaiued allusions of the prison system.  

scholarly journals O "coletivo'' como estratégia territorial dos cativos

GEOgraphia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (17) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugo Freitas Dos Santos
Keyword(s):  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Critical Criminology ◽  
Prison System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Geography ◽  
The Real ◽  
Territorial Organization ◽  
And Control ◽  
Brazilian Studies

Este artigo analisa o ordenamento terriorial configurado pelo "coletivo" dos detentos nos presídios e penitenciárias do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Nossa proposta vem incorporar-se ao conjunto de estudos brasileiros sobre a pena privativa de liberdade e sobre as funções reais e simbólicas por ela desempenhadas. Sob a orientação da Geografia critica e de um conjunto de tendências interdisciplinares, no bojo da "criminologia crítica", examinamos o "coletivo" como estratégia de ação temtorial dos presos, ampliando a discussão sobre a luta do poder político nas prisões e valorizando o papel do domínio dos territórios e das territorialidades referentes ao espaço prisional. Nosso testemunho sobre o "coletivo" se ampara nas considerações conceituais do território e da territorialidade e seus vínculos com as relações de poder, observando as implicações que a formação territorial do "coletivo" institui na "sociedade dos cativos", bem como nas particularidades político-jurídicas e sócio-culturais que envolvem o poder, a disciplina, a vigilância, os saberes e o controle, além das alusões desdobradas, contraditórias e supervalorizadas do sistema prisional. Abstract This article analyses the territorial organization shaped by the "collective" of the detainees in prisons of the State of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Our proposal comes to be incorporated to the set of Brazilian studies on the private feather of freedom and to the real and symbolic functions that are fulfilled by it. Under the approach of Critical Geography and a set of interdisciplinary tendencies in the area of "critical criminology", we examine the "collective" like strategy of territorial action of the prisoners, enlarging the discussion on the struggle of the political power in prisons and valuing its role, concerning to territories and territorialities referring to the prison space. Our testimony about the "collective" is supported by conceptual considerations about territory andterritoriality and its bonds with the power relations, observing the implications that territorial formation of the "collective" establishes in the "society of the captives", in the legal-political and socio-cultural specificities that wrap power, discipline, vigilance, knowledge and control, besides the unfolded, contradictory and supervaiued allusions of the prison system.  

15. Critical criminology—part 1

Criminology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Case ◽  
Phil Johnson ◽  
David Manlow ◽  
Roger Smith ◽  
Kate Williams
Keyword(s):  
Social Construction ◽  
Social Theory ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Critical Criminology ◽  
Critical Theories ◽  
Theory Of Crime ◽  
Feminist Perspectives ◽  
Crime And Deviance ◽  
Main Ideas ◽  
And Control

This chapter examines a range of criminological perspectives which are collectively known as critical criminology, with particular emphasis on labelling perspectives, Marxist inspired critical theories, and feminist perspectives. It begins with an overview of the four main ideas of positivism (in either its biological, psychological, or sociological forms): determinism, scientism, consensus, and treatment/rehabilitation. It then considers the philosophical and political arguments that underpin critical criminologies, along with the different foundational strands within critical criminology. It also discusses the importance of the ideas of social construction, power and power relations to critical criminology, as well as the problems of ‘deviance’ and its interpretation and control. Finally, it explores the development of critical criminology in Britain, the rise of the ‘new’ criminology, Taylor et al's (1973) notion of a ‘fully social theory’ of crime and deviance, and the issue of violence in relation to gender.

scholarly journals Use of Development Dialogues in Learning and Changing Journalism Practice

2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-106
Author(s):  
Jaana Hujanen
Keyword(s):  
Text Analysis ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Research Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Post Intervention ◽  
Personal Experiences ◽  
Task Oriented ◽  
And Control

Abstract The present article analyses a case study in which the author experimented with use of the interventionist development dialogue method in journalism practice. Journalistic work is conceptualized as a network of multivoiced, contradictory, historically changing and artefact-mediated activity systems. Through the use of development dialogues, the study aimed at understanding and facilitating the innovation, change and expansive learning that can take place in relation to journalistic work. The data include collaboration between the researcher and four Finnish newspaper journalists, pre- and post-intervention interviews, and diaries kept by the journalists. The data were analysed using the methods of qualitative text analysis. The case study indicates that an interventionist research approach that focuses on journalists’ personal experiences and needs, and makes use of concrete development tasks, is of value to them. It fosters the imagination and the creation of novel journalistic and discursive practices that help journalists reflect on, understand and pursue journalism. As power relations and control impinged on and were manifest in the research process, the development task-oriented interventionist research approach calls for a thorough evaluation that looks at the power relations within an activity system and at the question of the political aim of an interventionist research approach.

scholarly journals HOUSES, TRANQUILITY AND PROGRESS IN AN ÁREA DE MILÍCIA

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcella de Araujo Silva
Keyword(s):  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Market ◽  
Urban Policies ◽  
The City

Abstract This paper examines how power relations are organized and institutionalized in áreas de milícia (militia-controlled areas) in the city of Rio de Janeiro. Drawing on my experience in public policies and research conducted in such areas, I look to understand the interweaving of politics and the security market in the vast but little known West Zone of the city. Reconstructing the story of one particular house in an área de milícia and tracing its connections back to the political genesis of the area’s top leader - who figures in the now famous CPI das Milícias report - the paper reveals unforeseen interconnections between urban policies and the expanding illegal security market.

Immanence and Micropolitics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Gilliam
Keyword(s):  
Power Relations ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Industrial Capitalism ◽  
Conceptual Necessity ◽  
Post Industrial ◽  
Pure Immanence ◽  
Alternative Understanding

Christian Gilliam argues that a philosophy of ‘pure’ immanence is integral to the development of an alternative understanding of ‘the political’; one that re-orients our understanding of the self toward the concept of an unconscious or ‘micropolitical’ life of desire. He argues that here, in this ‘life’, is where the power relations integral to the continuation of post-industrial capitalism are most present and most at stake. Through proving its philosophical context, lineage and political import, Gilliam ultimately justifies the conceptual necessity of immanence in understanding politics and resistance, thereby challenging the claim that ontologies of ‘pure’ immanence are either apolitical or politically incoherent.

Reconsideration of the Research Trajectory on the Carceral State

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-207
Author(s):  
Juliette Barbera
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Development ◽  
American Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Carceral State ◽  
Research Framework ◽  
Research Production ◽  
Fields Of Study ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
And Control

For decades, both incarceration and research on the topic have proliferated. Disciplines within the Western sciences have studied the topic of incarceration through their respective lenses. Decades of data reflect trends and consequences of the carceral state, and based on that data the various disciplines have put forth arguments as to how the trends and consequences are of relevance to their respective fields of study. The research trajectory of incarceration research, however, overlooks the assumptions behind punishment and control and their institutionalization that produce and maintain the carceral state and its study. This omission of assumptions facilitates a focus on outcomes that serve to reinforce Western perspectives, and it contributes to the overall stagnation in the incarceration research produced in Western disciplines. An assessment of the study of the carceral state within the mainstream of American Political Development in the political science discipline provides an example of how the research framework contributes to the overall stagnation, even though the framework of the subfield allows for an historical institutionalization perspective. The theoretical perspectives of Cedric J. Robinson reveal the limits of Western lenses to critically assess the state. The alternative framework he provides to challenge the limits imposed on research production by Western perspectives applies to the argument presented here concerning the limitations that hamper the study of the carceral state.

Richard Sisson and Leo E. Rose. War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh. New Delhi: Vistaar Publications. 1990. 338 pp.Price Rs 225.00 (Hardbound).

1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque
Keyword(s):  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
National Elections ◽  
The Real ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Creation

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.

Menelaah Lebih Dekat “Post Factual/Post Truth Politics, Studi Kasus Brexit” (Analsis Resensi Media)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
New Media ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Way

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media

Communication

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian D. Liddy
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
And Control ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

The exercise of political power in late medieval English towns was predicated upon the representation, management, and control of public opinion. This chapter explains why public opinion mattered so much to town rulers; how they worked to shape opinion through communication; and the results. Official communication was instrumental in the politicization of urban citizens. The practices of official secrecy and public proclamation were not inherently contradictory, but conflict flowed from the political process. The secrecy surrounding the practices of civic government provoked ordinary citizens to demand more accountability from town rulers, while citizens, who were accustomed to hear news and information circulated by civic magistrates, were able to use what they knew to challenge authority.

scholarly journals Resituating the political in cultural intermediary work: Charity sector public relations and communication

2021 ◽  
pp. 136754942199423
Author(s):  
Anne M Cronin ◽  
Lee Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Cultural Intermediary ◽  
Cultural Intermediaries ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Relationship

Drawing on a case study of public relations in the UK charity sector, this article argues that cultural intermediary research urgently requires a more sustained focus on politics and the political understood as power relations, party politics and political projects such as marketization and neoliberalism. While wide-ranging research has analysed how cultural intermediaries mediate the relationship between culture and economy, this has been at the expense of an in-depth analysis of the political. Using our case study as a prompt, we highlight the diversity of ways that the political impacts cultural intermediary work and that cultural intermediary work may impact the political. We reveal the tensions that underpin practice as a result of the interactions between culture, the economy and politics, and show that the tighter the engagement of cultural intermediation with the political sphere, the more tensions must be negotiated and the more compromised practitioners may feel.

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