scholarly journals Turks and Other Muslims in the US: An Analysis of Perceptions

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-109
Author(s):  
İbrahim Karataş

Surveys show that, in the United States, Americans have a less favorable view of Muslims due to various reasons as opposed to American Muslims who conversely favor the American state and population. In line with this fact, this study tries to understand whether the Turkish community living in the US has different views about Americans than American Muslims do. This study makes a comparison because not all ethnic groups in the American Muslim community have the same views about Americans. While analyzing the Turkish community’s perceptions, this study also analyzes the views Americans and Muslim Americans have towards each other. The study compares previous surveys with the survey conducted among Turks living in the US and concludes that Muslims generally have the same perceptions regarding Americans. It also reveals that aside from the basic reasons which result in a negative view towards Muslims, being a small community and fragmented are two significant factors that damage the image of Muslims. In addition, it reveals that a lack of knowledge about each other increases negative perceptions.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-202
Author(s):  
M. H. Abdullaev

This article is devoted to the current socio- political processes experienced by the Muslim community in the United States of America. The author studies the process of harmonious integration by Muslim Americans into American society, the search for possible correlations between the religious and secular parts of society, and the requirements of Islam in the face of demo cratic values. The author pays special attention to the issues of self-determination for Islam adherents, including their political search, and attempts to gain a powerful voice in the most important political events. The article analyzes such aspects of American Muslims life as, interaction with representatives of other faiths, discrimination and Islamophobia, and the Islamic religious worldview of black Muslims. The author focuses on problematic discourse. Using methods of analysis, deduction, as well as methods of included observation, the author shows a modern picture of American Muslim life, and also makes important conclusions and predictions regarding their future in a rapidly changing multicultural American society.


Author(s):  
Michael J. Broyde

Basic frameworks for successful religious arbitration exist, though religious communities, particularly the growing American Muslim community, still face challenges in implementing their own ADR systems effectively. This chapter describes some of these challenges, as well as the ways in which they may be addressed. It looks to the example set by the Muslim Arbitration Tribunal, a U.K.-based Islamic arbitration organization that has successfully adopted and adapted the Beth Din of America approach to religious arbitration, as a likely model for American Muslims to build on in constructing their own ADR processes. This chapter notes that Christian communities in the United States also face challenges in their attempts to implement effective faith-based arbitration, though these challenges somewhat differ from those dealt with by the more law-centered Jewish and Muslim traditions. Christian communities have responded by creating their own religious arbitration models that conform to the technical legal requirements of the FAA.


Author(s):  
Peter Mandaville

This article explores some of the ways in which the religious lives of American Muslims are shaped by—and, in turn, shape—Islamic ideas, doctrines, organizations, and movements that circulate beyond the United States. It surveys the role of global Islam in the development of several of the most important American Muslim organizations and institutions in the twentieth century. Profiles are offered of leading American Muslim intellectuals who serve as bridges between the American Muslim community and broader religious currents in the Muslim world in order to illustrate various modalities of American Muslim transnationalism. With the rise of the internet and new media, young Muslims in the United States can today be thought of as contributors to a global Muslim public sphere.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nausheen Pasha-Zaidi ◽  
Meg Aum Warren ◽  
Yvonne Pilar El Ashmawi ◽  
Neneh Kowai-Bell

Increased social justice awareness in the United States and shifting demographics are giving birth to a more diverse and egalitarian generation. Improving relations across social categories has been a key topic in di-versity, equity, and inclusion work, but less emphasis has been placed on cross-racial allyship within mi-nority populations. While allyship in racial contexts is often perceived as a White versus non-White issue, this binary position erases the diversity that exists within communities of color. A dichotomous approach to allyship that positions White heterosexual males as the primary holders of privilege does not address the disparities that exist within and across minoritized communities. While Arabs and South Asians are minori-ties in the US on a macrolevel, they often hold privileged positions in Islamic centers and other Muslim spaces—even though Black Americans make up a larger percentage of the Muslim population. Additional-ly, there is an increasing number of Latino/a Muslims in the US, but they are often invisible in larger con-versations about Islam in America as well as in discourse among Muslim Americans. In this chapter, we explore the concept of allyship and how South Asian and Arab Muslims can support and advocate for Black and Latino/a Muslims in American Islamic centers. We also discuss Islamophobia in the US as well as the anti-Blackness and racism that exists within Muslim communities and provide suggestions on how Islamic centers can serve as spaces of allyship and cross-racial dialogue.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aubrey Westfall ◽  
Özge Çelik Russell ◽  
Bozena Welborne ◽  
Sarah Tobin

AbstractThis article explores the relationship between headcovering and women's political participation through an original online survey of 1,917 Muslim-American women. As a visible marker of religious group identity, wearing the headscarf can orient the integration of Muslim women into the American political system via its impact on the openness of their associational life. Our survey respondents who cover are more likely to form insular, strong ties with predominantly Muslim friend networks, which decreased their likelihood of voting and affiliating with a political party. Interestingly, frequency of mosque attendance across both covered and uncovered respondents is associated with a higher probability of political participation, an effect noted in other religious institutions in the United States. Yet, mosque attendance can simultaneously decrease the political engagement of congregants if they are steered into exclusively religious friend groups. This discovery reveals a tension within American Muslim religious life and elaborates on the role of religious institutions vs. social networks in politically mobilizing Muslim-Americans.


Author(s):  
Kambiz GhaneaBassiri

The history of Muslims in America dates back to the transatlantic mercantile interactions between Europe, Africa, and the Americas. Upon its arrival, Islam became entrenched in American discourses on race and civilization because literate and noble African Muslims, brought to America as slaves, had problematized popular stereotypes of Muslims and black Africans. Furthermore, these enslaved Muslims had to re-evaluate and reconfigure their beliefs and practices to form new communal relations and to make sense of their lives in America. At the turn of the 20th century, as Muslim immigrants began arriving in the United States from the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and South Asia, they had to establish themselves in an America in which the white race, Protestantism, and progress were conflated to define a triumphalist American national identity, one that allowed varying levels of inclusion for Muslims based on their ethnic, racial, and national backgrounds. The enormous bloodshed and destruction experienced during World War I ushered in a crisis of confidence in the ideals of the European Enlightenment, as well as in white, Protestant nationalism. It opened up avenues for alternative expressions of progress, which allowed Muslims, along with other nonwhite, non-Christian communities, to engage in political and social organization. Among these organizations were a number of black religious movements that used Islamic beliefs, rites, and symbols to define a black Muslim national identity. World War II further shifted America, away from the religious competition that had earlier defined the nation’s identity and toward a “civil religion” of American democratic values and political institutions. Although this inclusive rhetoric was received differently along racial and ethnic lines, there was an overall appeal for greater visibility for Muslims in America. After World War II, increased commercial and diplomatic relations between the United States and Muslim-majority countries put American Muslims in a position, not only to relate Islam and America in their own lives but also to mediate between the varying interests of Muslim-majority countries and the United States. Following the civil rights legislation of the 1950s and 1960s and the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, Muslim activists, many of whom had been politicized by anticolonial movements abroad, established new Islamic institutions. Eventually, a window was opened between the US government and American Muslim activists, who found a common enemy in communism following the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s. Since the late 1960s, the number of Muslims in the United States has grown significantly. Today, Muslims are estimated to constitute a little more than 1 percent of the US population. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of the United States as the sole superpower in the world, the United States has come into military conflict with Muslim-majority countries and has been the target of attacks by militant Muslim organizations. This has led to the cultivation of the binaries of “Islam and the West” and of “good” Islam and “bad” Islam, which have contributed to the racialization of American Muslims. It has also interpolated them into a reality external to their history and lived experiences as Muslims and Americans.


2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 210-212
Author(s):  
Farid Senzai

"Terrorism expert" Steven Emerson has done it again. With his usual exaggeratedstyle and hate-mongering rhetoric, Emerson has painted allMuslims with the same broad brush. While trying to assure his readers atthe outset that not all Muslims are terrorists, the bulk of his new book,American Jihad, is filled with brazenly over-simplified attacks on the entireMuslim American community. This biased and heavy-handed portrayal ofMuslims is characteristic of Emerson's work - most notably his 1994 PBSvideo "Jihad in America." In American Jihad, Emerson again presents a terrifyingpicture of American Muslims as fanatical, violent people lurkingand plotting against the United States. It is thus hardly surprising that he hasgained a reputation, reminiscent of his friend Daniel Pipes, for advocatinggrand Islamic conspiracies without any credible evidence.In a rush to get to press, his latest book is a quick tabloid-style read.The book is divided into eight chapters. The first chapter deals withEmerson's "discovery" of"militant Muslims" and the subsequent makingof his PBS video "Jihad in America." The next six chapters attempt touncover the inner working of such groups as the Council on AmericanIslamicRelations (CAIR), Hamas, and al-Qaida. He also spends oneentire chapter on the terrorist infiltration of American academic institutions.Finally, in his concluding chapter, Emerson tries to encourage individualswithin the Muslim community to "fight back" against the threatthat he feels is facing the country.The book is large on print and short on analysis. For a decade,Emerson has been issuing dire, over-the-top warnings that Muslims in theUnited States pose a catastrophic threat to the country, and in this book ...


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-130
Author(s):  
Turan Kayaoglu

Few are as qualified as Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf to articulate a vision forAmerican Muslims. He has been involved with several major institutionbuildingprojects to address the concerns of American Muslims; his wife,Daisy Khan, has also participated in some of these projects. Since 1983, hehas served as imam of New York City’s al-Farah Mosque and thus is ratherfamiliar with the achievements, struggles, and diversity of the American-Muslim experience. His involvement with one of this community’s mostformative post-9/11 undertakings, the Cordoba House Project (also knownas Park 51 and the Ground Zero Mosque), attracted national and internationalattention.Several other American Muslims have written about the community. Forexample, James Yee’s For God and Country (2005), Sumbul Ali-Karamali’sThe Muslims Next Door (2008), and Asma Nomani’s Standing Alone in Mecca(2006) have experienced modest mainstream success. Mucahit Bilici’s FindingMecca in America (2012) is a notable, although a more academic, work.Imam Rauf’s book belongs to the first genre. Aimed at a general audience, itprovides a good understanding of such issues as jihad and gender relations inIslam, the Shari‘ah, and American-Muslim identity formation.Book Reviews 127The author’s key idea is that American Muslims are on their way to creatinga unique identity, one that is true to the spirit of Islam and also fits intoAmerican cultural norms. If fully realized, this identity would have threemajor potential benefits: making the United States more tolerant and just,healing the wounds between it and the broader Muslim world, and inspiringMuslims everywhere to reclaim Islam from the extremists. According toRauf, this identity can only be fully realized if Muslims have a good understandingof Islam, uphold American laws, and engage in the country’s ongoingmulti-faith projects ...


Author(s):  
Ihsan Bagby

In the Muslim world, mosques function as places of worship rather than “congregations” or community centers. Muslims pray in any mosque that is convenient, since they are not considered members of a particular mosque but of the ummah (global community of Muslims). In America, however, Muslims attached to specific mosques have always followed congregational patterns. They transform mosques into community centers aimed at serving the needs of Muslims and use them as the primary vehicle for the collective expression of Islam in the American Muslim community. This chapter provides a historical overview of mosques in America. It also looks at the conversion of African Americans into mainstream Islam starting in the 1960s, the transformation of the Nation of Islam into a mainstream Muslim group, and the growth of mosques in America. In addition, it describes mosque participants, mosque activities, mosque structures, and mosque finances as well as the American mosque’s embrace of civic engagement and the role of women in the American mosque. Finally, the chapter examines the mosque leaders’ approach to Islam.


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