American Muslims as radicals? A critical discourse analysis of the US congressional hearing on ‘The Extent of Radicalization in the American Muslim Community and That Community’s Response’

To legitimize US invasion of Iraq, Bush fabricated fake intelligence reports, and depended solely on propaganda; he manipulated language in a well-calculated manner; most particularly, the metaphors chosen and devised for his speeches were such that convinced the US citizens about the legitimacy of the invasion, elicited financial support of the European allies and moral support of the majority of the world community. This research work used discourse analysis to study the metaphors that were used by George Bush in the speeches he made on 8 different occasions, and the theoretical framework used in it is the combination of critical discourse analysis CDA with postcolonial theory concept of orientalism.It utilized both qualitative and quantitative data collection tools.It found that most of the task was accomplished through the linguistic manipulation in the shape of metaphor used to dehumanize the enemy, which first made the US citizens feel as victims to the jealousy of rogue Muslim states for intending to completely annihilate them; then, it made appeal to their sense of justice, sense of security, and right to self-defense. By grouping the world citizens into Us and Them groups, the innocent, peace-loving and the war-mongers, the angels and the devils, and then by placing themselves and the rest of the world among the first group and placing the powerfulMuslims states among the second group, the US exploited the feelings and thoughts of all. Despite the UN and the rest of the world having come to know the sheer lies of the US now, the US still has managed to flog a dead horse and blind-fold majority of the world through this linguistic manipulation in the form of using dehumanizing metaphors

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ISIS Rhetoric for the Creation of the Ummah

Religion and Theology ◽

10.4018/978-1-7998-2457-2.ch025 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 429-449

Author(s):

Amaryllis Maria Georges

Keyword(s):

Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse ◽

Communal Identity ◽

Muslim Community ◽

Community Based ◽

Linguistic Strategy ◽

The Creation

I intend to examine the linguistic strategy used by ISIS as a means through which it creates the concept of the Muslim Ummah, which seeks to emphasize the unity of an international Muslim community based off the power of Islam. I apply a Critical Discourse Analysis for the study of Baghdadi's sermon on 4 July 2014 where he declared the establishment of the Caliphate and himself as the Caliph. Baghdadi's discourse creates a new communal identity from a Muslim populace who may have felt marginalized due to their religion in their countries of residence. It is through this discourse that he structures the Ummah loyal to the Caliphate in two ways: a) by summoning Islam to create a singular global Muslim body and the establishment of a Caliphate; and b) the structuring of an indiscriminate opponent, one that conflicts with the “camp of Islam”. The method of convincing and generating consent – of institutionalizing jihad - goes beyond propaganda; it necessitates the formation of an entirely novel lexicon, a narrative that fosters support while concurrently quashing any singular qualms.

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A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Use of Metaphor in Online Car Advertisements

SALTeL Journal (Southeast Asia Language Teaching and Learning) ◽

10.35307/saltel.v4i2.77 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 4 (2) ◽

pp. 25-36

Author(s):

Rita Hartati ◽

Ebrahim Panah ◽

Hafizan Matsom

Keyword(s):

Content Analysis ◽

Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse Analysis ◽

Arab Countries ◽

Critical Discourse ◽

The Us ◽

Descriptive Approach

The objectives of the current study are threefold: a) to investigate what types of metaphors are used in Arab and Western car advertisements and why they use them, b) to explore how metaphors are used in Arab and Western car advertisements, and c) to explore how cultural attributes are used along with metaphors in Arab and Western car advertisements. The study adopted a descriptive approach through content analysis using three models: cultural (Hofstede, 2005), metaphorical (Lankoff & Johnson, 1980), and contrastive discourse analysis (Farclough's, 2001), approaches to analyze the data. The study sample comprised 30 car advertisements from Holland, France, Germany, Italy, the US, and Arab countries, each with five advertisements published online in 2016. The findings of the study show that car advertisements frequently use metaphorical strategies. In addition, the study revealed differences between Arab and Western advertisements in terms of the employment of cultural attributes. Finally, the study also indicated that even within the Western context, there is a different use of metaphorical strategies with subtle differences.

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Neo-Orientalist Framing of the 2011 and 2013 Egyptian Uprisings: A Case Study of The New York Times and The Washington Post

10.31237/osf.io/387ep ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Tamta Gelashvili

Keyword(s):

New York ◽

Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse Analysis ◽

Liberal Democracy ◽

New York Times ◽

Media Framing ◽

Critical Discourse ◽

Washington Post ◽

The New York Times ◽

The Us

This thesis critically examines the US media framing of the Egyptian Uprisings in 2011 and 2013 to examine whether the coverage was relatively value-neutral or had a value-laden (Neo-Orientalist) perspective. The thesis aims to examine whether the Neo-Orientalist tendency among the Western societies to view religion as the key driving force behind political processesis manifest in the US media as well, or whether the two newspapers try to represent the abovementioned political and economic processes and grievances. To this end, the thesis looks at the articles published in The New York Times and The Washington Post during and after two major events: Mubarak‟s resignation in 2011 and Morsi‟s removal in 2013. A combination of quantitative (content analysis) and qualitative (critical discourse analysis) research demonstrates that news articles and editorials about the 2011 and 2013 uprisings include Neo-Orientalist frames. These articles consider liberal democracy as a universal normative model and contrast it with Islam, portrayed as a fundamentally different, homogeneous and antidemocratic phenomenon linked with instability and violence and singlehandedly influencing democratization process. Compared to 2011, Neo-Orientalist frames become more frequent in 2013; if in 2011, most units adhere to Fukuyama‟s view that Egypt would join the teleological march to liberal democracy, in 2013, the trend reverses and most units, like Huntington, exclude any possibility of democratization. The textual practices of naming, sourcing, presupposition, fore- and backgrounding, used to construct Neo-Orientalist frames, can be related to discursive practices, or the production of text, and larger social practices. As critical discourse analysis shows, the units show pro-Israeli bias and align with the US foreign policy priorities: both the general policy of liberal democracy promotion and the specific strategic interests in Egypt.

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ISIS Rhetoric for the Creation of the Ummah

Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development - Political Discourse in Emergent, Fragile, and Failed Democracies ◽

10.4018/978-1-5225-0081-0.ch010 ◽

2016 ◽

pp. 178-198 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Amaryllis Maria Georges

Keyword(s):

Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse ◽

Communal Identity ◽

Muslim Community ◽

Community Based ◽

Linguistic Strategy ◽

The Creation

I intend to examine the linguistic strategy used by ISIS as a means through which it creates the concept of the Muslim Ummah, which seeks to emphasize the unity of an international Muslim community based off the power of Islam. I apply a Critical Discourse Analysis for the study of Baghdadi's sermon on 4 July 2014 where he declared the establishment of the Caliphate and himself as the Caliph. Baghdadi's discourse creates a new communal identity from a Muslim populace who may have felt marginalized due to their religion in their countries of residence. It is through this discourse that he structures the Ummah loyal to the Caliphate in two ways: a) by summoning Islam to create a singular global Muslim body and the establishment of a Caliphate; and b) the structuring of an indiscriminate opponent, one that conflicts with the “camp of Islam”. The method of convincing and generating consent – of institutionalizing jihad - goes beyond propaganda; it necessitates the formation of an entirely novel lexicon, a narrative that fosters support while concurrently quashing any singular qualms.

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Exploring the discourse of National Islam and Foreign Islam in the Australian press: A critical discourse analysis

Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) ◽

10.47264/idea.jhsms/2.2.22 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 2 (2) ◽

pp. 302-317

Author(s):

Muhammad Junaid Ghauri ◽

Amrat Haq ◽

Riffat Alam

Keyword(s):

Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse Analysis ◽

Media Coverage ◽

European Countries ◽

Critical Discourse ◽

The Us ◽

Research Findings ◽

The Media ◽

Mainstream Society ◽

Research Endeavour

Research conducted in some European countries and in the US has evidenced that there is a considerable difference in the media coverage of the National/Internal and Foreign/External Islam. Wherein, the latter is viewed and portrayed as a ‘greater threat’ to the mainstream society. This research endeavour is an effort to explore the predominant themes associated with the Foreign/External Islam in the editorials of the two selected Australian newspapers during January 1, 2016 to March 31, 2017. The researcher has employed Tuen A. van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square and lexicalization strategies from the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) paradigm to examine the editorials of The Age and The Australian. The research findings are evident that in the coverage of the Foreign Islam both the selected newspapers have associated ‘conflict’, ‘violence’ and ‘collectivism’ with Islam and Muslims, however The Australian highlighted ‘women underrepresentation’ also. While covering the National Islam, The Age highlighted the ‘victimization’ and ‘prejudice’ to Muslims in Australia and stressed on the need of ‘understanding’, ‘harmony’ and ‘cohesion’. However, in The Australian the National Islam also received the same treatment as did the Foreign Islam in terms of themes.

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Turks and Other Muslims in the US: An Analysis of Perceptions

Journal of Al-Tamaddun ◽

10.22452/jat.vol16no1.7 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 16 (1) ◽

pp. 99-109

Author(s):

İbrahim Karataş

Keyword(s):

The United States ◽

Small Community ◽

Muslim Americans ◽

American Muslims ◽

Muslim Community ◽

American Muslim ◽

The Us ◽

Negative Perceptions ◽

Turkish Community ◽

Significant Factors

Surveys show that, in the United States, Americans have a less favorable view of Muslims due to various reasons as opposed to American Muslims who conversely favor the American state and population. In line with this fact, this study tries to understand whether the Turkish community living in the US has different views about Americans than American Muslims do. This study makes a comparison because not all ethnic groups in the American Muslim community have the same views about Americans. While analyzing the Turkish community’s perceptions, this study also analyzes the views Americans and Muslim Americans have towards each other. The study compares previous surveys with the survey conducted among Turks living in the US and concludes that Muslims generally have the same perceptions regarding Americans. It also reveals that aside from the basic reasons which result in a negative view towards Muslims, being a small community and fragmented are two significant factors that damage the image of Muslims. In addition, it reveals that a lack of knowledge about each other increases negative perceptions.

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“She does have an accent but…”: Race and language ideology in students' evaluations of mathematics instructors on RateMyProfessors.com

Language in Society ◽

10.1017/s0047404514000736 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 44 (1) ◽

pp. 35-62 ◽

Cited By ~ 31

Author(s):

Nicholas Close Subtirelu

Keyword(s):

Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse Analysis ◽

Corpus Linguistics ◽

Language Ideology ◽

Methodological Approach ◽

The United States ◽

Critical Discourse ◽

University Teaching ◽

The Us ◽

Mathematics Instructors

AbstractNonnative English speakers (NNESs) who teach at English-medium institutions in the United States (US) have frequently been the subject of student complaints. Research into language ideologies concerning NNESs in the US suggests that such complaints can be understood as manifestations of a broader project of social exclusion operating, in part, through the ideological construction of the NNES as incomprehensible Other. The present study explores the extent to which such ideological presuppositions and exaggerative performances are observable in students' evaluations of ‘Asian’ mathematics instructors on the website RateMyProfessors.com (RMP). A mixed methodological approach combining statistical analysis of numeric RMP ratings, quantitative corpus linguistic techniques, and critical discourse analysis was employed. Findings confirm the presence of disadvantages related to ‘Asian’ instructors' race and language. However, RMP users' discourse is shown to be less overtly discriminatory and instead to reproduce dominant language ideology in subtle, previously undescribed ways.(Student evaluations, higher education, university teaching, nonnative speakers, second language users, ethnicity, critical discourse analysis, corpus linguistics, formulaic language)*

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Problematizing the Educational Messaging on Sex Trafficking in the US “End-demand” Movement: The (Mis)Representation of Victims and Anti-Sex Work Rhetoric

Affilia ◽

10.1177/08861099211058827 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 088610992110588

Author(s):

Ran Hu

Keyword(s):

Social Justice ◽

Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse Analysis ◽

Sex Work ◽

Sex Trafficking ◽

Critical Discourse ◽

Marginalized Communities ◽

The Public ◽

Marginalized Groups ◽

The Us

This study adopts a critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to problematize the representation of victims in the online educational messaging on sex trafficking promoted in the US “end-demand” movement. The websites of 20 US anti-trafficking groups are analyzed. While these website-based messages are positioned to educate the public about sex trafficking, they are predominately framed toward problematizing sex work and essentializing women with racialized and marginalized identities in sex work, with no discursive recognition of intersectional structural inequalities (e.g., racism, sexism, poverty, homo/transphobia) that lead to trafficking. These ideologically charged messages, when presented as “facts,” further the anti-sex work sentiment among the public, powerfully (re)produce and sustain the public (mis)perception equating “anti-sex trafficking” with “anti-sex work,” and legitimize the carceral feminist anti-trafficking practice that primarily criminalizes, censors, and oppresses the agency, behaviors, and needs of structurally marginalized communities. This paper calls attention to how injustice may be (re)produced in the way trafficking is represented and how representational injustice may translate into material consequences, further subjecting already marginalized groups to criminalization and surveillance. Through incorporating representational justice into our conceptualization of racial and social justice, we may (re)build an anti-trafficking framework that is structurally competent, rights-inclusive, and centered on humanization.

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Visual discourses of the role of women in war commemoration

Journal of Language and Politics ◽

10.1075/jlp.10.3.02abo ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 10 (3) ◽

pp. 322-346 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Gill Abousnnouga ◽

David Machin

Keyword(s):

Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse Analysis ◽

Critical Discourse ◽

British Society ◽

Representation Of Women ◽

The Us ◽

Visual Discourses ◽

Women In War ◽

War Commemoration

Discourses of war are disseminated and legitimised not only through speeches and written texts, but through visual semiotic resources. One important vehicle for this has been the war monument. Evidence shows that from WW1 in Europe and the US monuments have been used systematically by authorities to recontextualise the realities of war and soldiery, suppressing much of what comprises war, avoiding any critical stance, while fostering celebratory discourses of nation, protection and noble sacrifice. The representation of women on the war monument has been particularly important in this recontexualisation. Using Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis to examine the discourses realised by British war monuments, this paper shows that while much of the way women participate in and experience war has been suppressed on war monuments. Their representation has been a key part of the legitimation of one particular discourse of war, a representation that has helped to sideline other possible discourse in British society and which is still used in the commemoration of the death of ‘our boys’ — such as the young men killed in Afghanistan.

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