scholarly journals ORDEN INTERNO Y POLÍTICA EXTERIOR ARGENTINA: LA CUESTIÓN DE LOS BIOCOMBUSTIBLES

Author(s):  
Cristian Lorenzo

The domestic political support was one of the main grounds of Argentina´s foreign policy to Latin America in biofuels, during Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and Cristina Fernández´s (2007-2011) governments.

2020 ◽  
pp. 291-312
Author(s):  
Joshua Eisenman ◽  
Eric Heginbotham

Over the last two decades, developing countries have become central to China’s increasingly ambitious foreign policy makers. This chapter begins by explaining China’s conceptualization of the developing world and its position in Beijing’s geostrategy. After describing the three characteristics of China’s approach—asymmetry, comprehensiveness, and its interlocking structure—the chapter then explains the various economic, political, and security policy tools that comprise it. China works to bring the separate strands of its foreign policy together in a comprehensive whole and to build synergies between component parts. Ultimately, the chapter concludes that Beijing’s primary objectives—regime survival and advancing China’s position in an increasingly multipolar world—are probably insufficient to engender widespread political support among developing countries for a China-led world order.


Author(s):  
Silja Häusermann ◽  
Bruno Palier

Recent research on the development of social investment has demonstrated reform progress not only in different regions of Europe, but also in Latin America and South-East Asia. However, the specific substance of the social investment agendas varies strongly between these regions. Why have social investment ideas and policies been more developed in some regions and countries than in others? Building on the theoretical framework of this volume, our chapter suggests that the content of regional social investment agendas depends on policy legacies in terms of investment vs consumption-oriented policies and their interaction with structural pressures. In a second step, we argue that the chances of social investment agendas to be implemented depend on the availability of political support coalitions between organizational representatives of the educated middle classes and either business or working-class actors. We illustrate our claims with reference to family policy developments in France, Germany, and Switzerland.


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan McCormick

The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawisson Belém Lopes ◽  
Carlos Aurélio Pimenta de Faria
Keyword(s):  

Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (10) ◽  
pp. 36-40
Author(s):  
Karen L. Remmer

In recent years no country in Latin America has played a more important role in raising questions about the goals and instruments of U.S. foreign policy than Chile. The revelations of U.S. involvement in the overthrow of the Allende government opened the door to far-reaching criticisms of the activities of U.S. intelligence agencies and helped generate the Carter administration's human rights policy. Today this policy is facing one of its sternest tests in Chile.


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 467-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Feliú Ribeiro ◽  
Flávio Pinheiro
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-73
Author(s):  
Gino Pauselli

ABSTRACTThe literature on aid allocation shows that many factors influence donors’ decision to provide aid. However, our knowledge about foreign aid allocation is based on traditional foreign aid, from developed to developing countries, and many assumptions of these theories do not hold when applied to southern donors. This article argues that south-south development cooperation (SSDC) can be explained by the strength of development cooperation’s domestic allies and foes. Specifically, it identifies civil society organizations as allies of SSDC and nationalist groups as opponents of SSDC. By using for the first time data on SSDC activities in Latin America, this article shows the predictive strength of a liberal domestic politics approach in comparison to the predictive power of alternative explanations. The results speak to scholars of both traditional foreign aid and south-south development cooperation in highlighting the limits of traditional theories of foreign aid motivations.


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