scholarly journals O BLOQUEIO DO SÂNDI VOCÁLICO EM PB E EM PE: EVIDÊNCIAS DA FRASE FONOLÓGICA

Organon ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (36) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luciani Tenani
Keyword(s):  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Phonological Process ◽  
European Portuguese ◽  
Level Ii ◽  
Speech Data ◽  
Vowel Deletion ◽  
Phonological Phrase

In this paper, the contexts that block vowel merger and vowel deletion in BrazilianPortuguese and European Portuguese are analysed. It aims at identifying differences and similaritiesbetween BP and EP, which may be related to their rhythmic and prosodic organization. Therefore,speech data were collected for BP following the methodology employed by the research done byFrota (1998) for EP. Comparing BP and EP, we found that in both of them there are (i) rhythmicrestrictions that block ill-formed rhythmic configuration at phrase phonological level; (ii) a directionalhead-effect which is related to the restriction that preserves the prominence of rightmost stress withinthe phonological phrase; (iii) active restrictions that depend on the type of phonological process andof prosodic structure in which sandhi contexts are found. What makes BP differ from EP is the factthat vowel merger and vowel deletion are blocked depending on V1/V2 distinction and prosodicprominence.

scholarly journals Emergência de sândi consonântico em Português Europeu: uma abordagem prosódica

2017 ◽  
pp. 177-190
Author(s):  
Alexandra Malho ◽  
Susana Correia ◽  
Sónia Frota
Keyword(s):  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
European Portuguese ◽  
Word Position ◽  
Fricative Voicing ◽  
Phonological Phrase ◽  
The Relationship

In European Portuguese, the domain for sandhi phenomena is the intonational phrase. Unlike the intonational phrase, the phonological phrase has been shown to be only relevant for rhythm and prominence-related phenomena (Frota, 2000, 2014). Fricative voicing between words (casa[ʒb]rancas, casa[ʃp]retas) and ressylabification before vowel-initial words (casa[zɐ]marelas) occur within the intonational phrase. In this study, we considered spontaneous productions of a Portuguese child (Luma), aged 2;04-4;00, to examine the acquisition of external consonantal sandhi. The data show that sandhi production varies according to the segmental (C#C, C#V, CFric, CVib, CLat) and prosodic context (clitic, prosodic word, position in prosodic structure). The data further confirm that sandhi occurs within the intonational phrase, supporting the analysis proposed for the adult grammar. This study contributes to the understanding of the relationship between the acquisition of the prosodic structure and the acquisition of sandhi phenomena.

The Prosodization of Weak Function Words in Kurdish Language (Leilakhi Dialect)

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Sadegh Mohammadi Bolban Abad ◽  
Batool Alinezhad ◽  
Vali Rezai
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Personal Pronoun ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Personal Pronouns ◽  
Function Words ◽  
Phonological Process ◽  
Stress Assignment ◽  
Prosodic Phonology

<p>This paper investigates the prosodic structure of simple prepositions and dependent personal pronouns as weak function words in Leilakhi Dialect with the theoretical framework of Prosodic Phonology or Phonology of Domains. Weak function words (fnc) of this dialect are proclitics or enclitics that form Clitic Group (CG) with their host. One such feature of these elements is their combinatorial restriction with their host, <em>i.e. </em>simple prepositions as prosodic proclitics must precede a noun phrase or independent personal pronoun and absolute prepositions as phonological words join the dependent personal pronouns in the role of enclitics which give form to the clitic group. The phonetic process and phonological process used in this research are aspiration and stress assignment pattern respectively. </p>

scholarly journals L2 acquisition of high vowel deletion in Quebec French

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Duarte Garcia ◽  
Heather Goad ◽  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
Lexical Stress ◽  
L2 Acquisition ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Word Level ◽  
Quebec French ◽  
Vowel Deletion ◽  
The Right ◽  
Phonological Phrase

In languages with lexical stress, stress is computed in the phonological word (PWd) and realized in the foot. In some of these languages, feet are constructed iteratively, yielding multiple stressed syllables in a PWd. English has this profile. In French, by contrast, the only position of obligatory prominence is the right-edge of the phonological phrase (PPh), regardless of how many lexical words it contains (Dell 1984). This has led some to analyze French "stress" as intonational prominence and French, in contrast to most languages, as foot-less (Jun &amp; Fougeron 2000). In earlier work, we argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) motivates iterative iambic footing in Quebec French (QF), although the typical signatures of word-level stress are absent. In this paper, we examine the L2 acquisition of HVD and the prosodic constraints that govern it. We show that L2ers can acquire subtle aspects of the phonology of a second language, even at intermediate levels of proficiency.

Deaccenting in Spontaneous Speech in Barcelona Spanish

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajiv Rao
Keyword(s):  
High Frequency ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Spontaneous Speech ◽  
Lexical Item ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Research Gaps ◽  
Stressed Syllable ◽  
Speech Data ◽  
Phonological Phrase ◽  
Pitch Movement

AbstractRecent literature on Spanish intonation assumes that deaccenting occurs when a lexical item fails to cue stress via an F0 rise or some other pitch movement through its stressed syllable. Inspired by the findings and suggestions for future research by Face (2003), the present study fills in research gaps by examining seven potential influences on deaccenting, working with spontaneous speech, and addressing the understudied Barcelona dialect of Spanish. The analysis of 160-170 minutes of spontaneous speech data collected at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona reveals that the odds of deaccenting increase in words that are high frequency in Spanish, have fewer syllables, are verbs or adverbs, are uttered multiple times within a recent timeframe, or are in initial or medial positions of the phonological phrase. Finally, high frequency verbs and adverbs, as well as adverbs, nouns, and verbs with fewer syllables are all especially prone to deaccenting.

The Foot is not an obligatory constituent of the Prosodic Hierarchy: “stress” in Turkish, French and child English

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Öner Özçelik
Keyword(s):  
Regular Word ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Opposite Edge ◽  
Early Child ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
Foot Structure ◽  
Edge Stress ◽  
Phonological Phrase

AbstractThis paper proposes that the presence/absence of the Foot is parametric; that is, contra much previous research (see e. g. Selkirk, Elisabeth (1995). Sentence prosody: intonation, stress and phrasing. In J. Goldsmith (ed.)The handbook of phonological theory. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. 550–569., Vogel, Irene (2009). Universals of prosodic structure. In S. Scalise, E. Magni, & A. Bisetto (eds.)Universals of language today. Dordrecht: Springer. 59–82.), it is argued here that the Foot is not a universal constituent of the Prosodic Hierarchy; rather, some languages, such as Turkish and French, as well as early child languages, are footless. Several types of evidence are presented in support of this proposal, from both Turkish and French, as well as child English. A comparison of regular (word-final) and exceptional stress in Turkish reveals, for example, that regular “stress” is intonational prominence falling on the last syllable of prosodic words in the absence of foot structure. Both acoustic and formal evidence are presented in support of this proposal, as well as evidence from syntax-prosody interface. The paper also presents evidence for the footless status of French, which, unlike Turkish, is proposed to be completely footless. Several arguments are presented in support of this position, such as the fact that, in French, the domain of obligatory prominence is the Phonological Phrase (PPh), not the Prosodic Word (PWd); in a PPh consisting of several PWds, therefore, nonfinal PWds can surface without any kind of stress or prominence, suggesting that, at least for non-final PWds, one cannot assume stress or foot structure. Finally, the proposal is extended to additional languages, such as those demonstrating Default-to-Opposite Edge stress.

scholarly journals The Syntax and Prosody of Weak Pronouns in Chamorro

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Chung
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Linguistic Theory ◽  
Mutual Interaction ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Austronesian Language ◽  
Independent Components ◽  
Prosodic Phrase ◽  
Phonological Phrase

In the modular linguistic theory assumed by many generative linguists, phonology and syntax are interconnected but fundamentally independent components of grammar. The effects of syntax on phonology are mediated by prosodic structure, a representation of prosodic constituents calculated from syntactic structure but not isomorphic to it. Within this overall architecture, I investigate the placement of weak pronouns in the Austronesian language Chamorro. Certain Chamorro pronominals can be realized as prosodically deficient weak pronouns that typically occur right after the predicate. I showthat these pronouns are second-position clitics whose placement is determined not syntactically, but prosodically: they occur after the leftmost phonological phrase of their intonational phrase. My analysis of these clitics assumes that lexical insertion is late and can affect and be affected by prosodic phrase formation-assumptions consistent with the view that the mutual interaction of phonology and syntax is confined to the postsyntactic operations that translate syntactic structure into prosodic structure.

scholarly journals Footing is Not Always about Stress: Formalizing Variable High Vowel Deletion in Québec French

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme D. Garcia ◽  
Heather Goad ◽  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo
Keyword(s):  
Native Speakers ◽  
Foot Structure ◽  
Quebec French ◽  
Vowel Deletion ◽  
The Right ◽  
Phonological Phrase

The existence of foot structure in (Québec) French is disputed, since the only position of obligatory prominence in the language is the right edge of the phonological phrase. In this paper, we propose that a segmental process, namely, high vowel deletion (HVD), supports the existence of iterative iambic footing in Québec French. We report on a judgement task with auditorily-presented stimuli in which native speakers judged whether words with and without HVD sounded natural. The results show that (i) HVD is preferred in even-numbered syllables from the right word edge, (ii) HVD is preferred when the resulting consonantal cluster mirrors an ill-formed branching onset, and (iii) although non-deletion is overall preferred to deletion, deletion is preferred in one context: when the target vowel is at a suffix boundary and in foot-dependent positions. 

scholarly journals Phonological phrasing and ATR vowel harmony in Akan

Phonology ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Kügler
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Vowel Harmony ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
General Process ◽  
Sensitive Analysis ◽  
Serial Verb Constructions ◽  
Internal Structures ◽  
Verb Constructions ◽  
Serial Verb ◽  
Phonological Phrase

This paper examines phonological phrasing in the Kwa language Akan. Regressive [+ATR] vowel harmony between words (RVH) serves as a hitherto unreported diagnostic of phonological phrasing. In this paper I discuss VP-internal and NP-internal structures, as well as SVO(O) and serial verb constructions. RVH is a general process in Akan grammar, although it is blocked in certain contexts. The analysis of phonological phrasing relies on universal syntax–phonology mapping constraints whereby lexically headed syntactic phrases are mapped onto phonological phrases. Blocking contexts call for a domain-sensitive analysis of RVH assuming recursive prosodic structure which makes reference to maximal and non-maximal phonological phrases. It is proposed (i) that phonological phrase structure is isomorphic to syntactic structure in Akan, and (ii) that the process of RVH is blocked at the edge of a maximal phonological phrase; this is formulated in terms of a domain-sensitive CrispEdge constraint.

Spontaneous speech intonation in (European) Portuguese: an example of experimental analysis with a macrosyntactic view

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Martin
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Analysis ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Spontaneous Speech ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Flat Structure ◽  
Stressed Syllable ◽  
Complex Contour ◽  
Melodic Contour ◽  
European Portuguese ◽  
Prosodic Structures

Besides studies based on illocution criteria (Raso Mello, 2009), most studies on Portuguese intonation pertain mainly to read speech, and use for a large part either the autosegmental-metrical framework -- AM - (Frota al., 2007) or, for a small number, a phonosyntactic model (Martin, 1999, 2004). In papers pertaining to the last category, there is a clear assumption that the sentence prosodic structure is independent but associated to syntax. In this view, prosodic contours located on or around stressed syllables function as phonological markers of this prosodic structure. Experimental studies describe for example a high and rising melodic contour located on the first stressed syllable of a subject NP, and either a rising contour (on the stressed syllable) or a complex contour (falling on the stressed syllable and rising on the last syllable) of the last unit of a SN syntagm. Whereas this description is essentially compatible with those given in the AM framework, the validity of AM theory may be questionable if extended to non-prepared (spontaneous) speech. In such cases, a macrosyntactic approach proves to be an effective tool, as it envisions the sentence as a sequence of macrosegments, syntactically well formed in the classical sense, but whose relations of parataxis or dependency with each other are partially determined by the sentence prosodic structure. This paper presents a short example of analysis conducted in this framework, showing the interaction between macrosyntactic and prosodic structures, the latter operation (re)structuring the sequence of macrosegments organized (by definition) in a flat structure in the sentence.

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