scholarly journals Asia Bond Monitor November 2021

2021 ◽  

This publication reviews recent developments in East Asian local currency bond markets along with the outlook, risks, and policy options. It covers the 10 members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the People’s Republic of China; Hong Kong, China; and the Republic of Korea.

2021 ◽  

This guide provides comprehensive information on Mongolia’s local currency bond market. Since 2002, the Asian Development Bank has been working closely with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Japan, the People’s Republic of China, and the Republic of Korea—collectively known as ASEAN+3—under the Asian Bond Markets Initiative to develop resilient regional financial systems. Mongolia became an official observer of ASEAN+3 Bond Market Forum in 2019 and has been an active participant since then. This guide aims to contribute to a better understanding of Mongolia’s local currency bond market and facilitate its further development.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
AISDL

This study was undertaken under ABMI and funded by the Government of Japan. It focuses on measures to expand the investor base for local currency bonds in ASEAN and the PRC and the Republic of Korea, with the goal of generating greater variety in investment objectives and a wider range of investment strategies. This will enhance market liquidity by creating new trading opportunities and will reduce market fluctuations by allowing bonds exhibiting different investment risks to be held by those most capable of bearing them. It is not only the size of the investor base that matters but also its diversity. An investor base can be large, however, if it is concentrated among a small number of institutions employing similar investment strategies, the result may be a multitude of “buy-and-hold” portfolios that ultimately undermine the efficiency and effectiveness of local bond markets.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wang En-Mei (王恩美)

After 1949, the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea sought mutual cooperation and amity on the basis of anti-communism. The two nations used terms such as “brotherly nations” and “strong alliance” to refer to the relation between them. Despite the continuous publicizing both within the nations and internationally, the anti-communist alliance ofrocandrokdid not run as smoothly as it seemed. In fact, the two nations have never entered into a treaty of military alliance. “Treaty of Amity between the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea”, a treaty representing their amity, was not even signed until 1964.rokhad rejected several times suggestions made byrocto sign a treaty of amity, mainly due to “the issue of overseas Chinese in Korea”. In other words, “the issue of overseas Chinese in Korea” was the crucial obstacle to the signing of “Treaty of Amity between the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea”. This article investigates the influences of the issue of overseas Chinese in Korea on the signing of “Treaty of Amity between the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea” and analyzes the reasons behind the focus of the Korean government on “the issue of overseas Chinese in Korea” and the contradiction of interests during the signing process. Through the signing of “Treaty of Amity between the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea”, conflicts of interest between the two seemingly harmonious nations are revealed, indicating the complexity and pluralism aspect of the East Asian anti-communist allegiance. (This article is in Chinese.)1949年後,中華民國與大韓民國以反共為基礎,追求相互的合作與友好關係,彼此稱呼兩國關係為「兄弟之邦」、「堅強盟友」,不斷對內外宣傳兩國的反共同盟關係。然而,兩國的反共同盟關係並沒有如表面般順利進行,實際上兩國不僅沒有簽訂軍事同盟,連象徵友好關係的「中韓友好條約」也遲至1964年才簽訂。中華民國曾數次提出簽訂友好條約的要求,都遭韓國政府拒絕。韓國拒絕的最重要原因在於「韓國華僑問題」。換言之,「韓國華僑問題」是「中韓友好條約」的最大障礙因素。因此本文將探討韓國華僑問題對「中韓友好條約」簽訂過程所產生的影響,並分析韓國政府何以如此重視「韓國華僑問題」與「中韓友好條約」簽訂過程中的雙方利益衝突。透過「中韓友好條約」的簽訂過程,我們可以了解表面看來毫無衝突的兩者間,其實隱含著各自利益之衝突,可以顯現出東亞反共同盟隱藏的多元且複雜的面貌。


Author(s):  
Sangjoon Lee

This chapter refers to Japan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and the Republic of China (Taiwan) as six member countries to send fifteen feature films to the Southeast Asian Film Festival. It cites that the Indonesian entry After the Curfew was cancelled from the festival at the last minute due to objections of the Indonesian government toward Indonesian–Japanese cooperation. It also describes the magnificent Tokyo Kaikan as the main venue for the festival, which is an opulent building known as one of the architectural symbols of Japan's westernization. The chapter reviews film journals during the 1950s, which noted that the films shown at festivals were reviewed not as individual filmmakers' works of art, but as products of countries. It talks about the film adaptation of The Golden Demon, which is considered one of the most successful and best-received novels of the Meiji Era.


2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 85-105
Author(s):  
Steven Hugh Lee

AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.


2012 ◽  
Vol 151 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deok Soon HWANG ◽  
Byung-Hee LEE

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