The foreign policy of the Republic of Korea and Strategy for survival: the foreign policy and external relations of the Republic of China on Taiwan, 1949–79

1985 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 727-728
Author(s):  
C. S. Burchill
2021 ◽  
pp. 120
Author(s):  
Natalya Mamaeva

In connection with the 20th anniversary of the signing of the Russian-Chinese Treaty on Good Neighborliness, Friendship and Cooperation (July 16, 2001), interest in the history of Russian-Chinese relations has grown even more. The author focuses on the development of bilateral Russian / Soviet — Chinese relations as one of the main directions of the eastern policy of Soviet Russia. The author notes the presence of two main channels of their formation. On the one hand, in the diplomatic and legal plane, at the level of state institutions, on the other hand, through the sphere of interaction of the Comintern, the RCP (b) / VKP (b), representatives of the diplomatic corps in China — with parties and public organizations of the Republic of China. Special attention is paid to identifying the main tasks that the participants in the process of interstate rapprochement set themselves. In the formation of the eastern direction of the USSR foreign policy, the importance of interaction between the Soviet state and China was taken into account to strengthen the positions of the RSFSR / USSR in the international arena in a difficult time for Russia of “international isolation”, the Civil War, foreign intervention, and the establishment of NEP. The Chinese side highly appreciated the new principles of the USSR's foreign policy. This is evidenced by the signing by both parties on May 31, 1924 of the Agreement on General Principles for the Settlement of Issues between the USSR and the Republic of China. At the same time, during the 1910s — 1920s. The Chinese side at times demonstrated inconsistency, elements of legal nihilism, participation in anti-Soviet provocations in exchange for concessions from the powers in the struggle to abolish “unequal treaties”. There were also acute and controversial problems associated with the Chinese Eastern Railway and Mongolia. Despite some negatives in relations between the RSFSR / USSR and the Republic of China, in general, the relations of the parties were characterized by a mutual desire for rapprochement at the state level, more inherent in the Soviet Union. This text was prepared within the framework of the project of the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences on the creation of a multivolume academic history of Russia. Published for approbation purposes.


1966 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 845-845 ◽  

Meeting in Seoul on June 14–16, 1966, nine non-Communist Asian and Pacific nations declared dieir common determination to preserve their integrity and sovereignty in die face of external threats and invited other free countries in the region to join the newly formed Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC). Participating in the conference were Australia, the Republic of China, Japan, the Republic of Korea (South Korea), Malaysia, the Philippines, New Zealand, Thailand, and the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam). Laos attended as an observer.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wang En-Mei (王恩美)

After 1949, the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea sought mutual cooperation and amity on the basis of anti-communism. The two nations used terms such as “brotherly nations” and “strong alliance” to refer to the relation between them. Despite the continuous publicizing both within the nations and internationally, the anti-communist alliance ofrocandrokdid not run as smoothly as it seemed. In fact, the two nations have never entered into a treaty of military alliance. “Treaty of Amity between the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea”, a treaty representing their amity, was not even signed until 1964.rokhad rejected several times suggestions made byrocto sign a treaty of amity, mainly due to “the issue of overseas Chinese in Korea”. In other words, “the issue of overseas Chinese in Korea” was the crucial obstacle to the signing of “Treaty of Amity between the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea”. This article investigates the influences of the issue of overseas Chinese in Korea on the signing of “Treaty of Amity between the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea” and analyzes the reasons behind the focus of the Korean government on “the issue of overseas Chinese in Korea” and the contradiction of interests during the signing process. Through the signing of “Treaty of Amity between the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea”, conflicts of interest between the two seemingly harmonious nations are revealed, indicating the complexity and pluralism aspect of the East Asian anti-communist allegiance. (This article is in Chinese.)1949年後,中華民國與大韓民國以反共為基礎,追求相互的合作與友好關係,彼此稱呼兩國關係為「兄弟之邦」、「堅強盟友」,不斷對內外宣傳兩國的反共同盟關係。然而,兩國的反共同盟關係並沒有如表面般順利進行,實際上兩國不僅沒有簽訂軍事同盟,連象徵友好關係的「中韓友好條約」也遲至1964年才簽訂。中華民國曾數次提出簽訂友好條約的要求,都遭韓國政府拒絕。韓國拒絕的最重要原因在於「韓國華僑問題」。換言之,「韓國華僑問題」是「中韓友好條約」的最大障礙因素。因此本文將探討韓國華僑問題對「中韓友好條約」簽訂過程所產生的影響,並分析韓國政府何以如此重視「韓國華僑問題」與「中韓友好條約」簽訂過程中的雙方利益衝突。透過「中韓友好條約」的簽訂過程,我們可以了解表面看來毫無衝突的兩者間,其實隱含著各自利益之衝突,可以顯現出東亞反共同盟隱藏的多元且複雜的面貌。


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 296-322
Author(s):  
Brian Paul Hilton

In 2005, noted historian Nancy Bernkopf Tucker advanced the thesis that President Richard M. Nixon and National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger viewed Taiwan as an expendable asset in their rush to promote Sino-American normalization, resulting in the administration conceding more than necessary in disregard for Taiwan’s future or status. This article examines documents declassified since Tucker’s study to argue that this interpretation is no longer tenable. Nixon and Kissinger applied to their Taiwan policy a set of principles remarkably consistent with their broader views on foreign policy, namely an emphasis on peoples directly involved in conflicts undertaking gradual, peaceful changes, while maintaining in the interim some form of security arrangement to maintain peace. Moreover, both Nixon and Kissinger understood the myriad benefits of the u.s. relationship with the Republic of China in advancing American interests and maintaining credibility in a volatile world, and, in fact, did consider the future status of Taiwan and its government. This culminated in the Kissinger-Zhou Enlai discussions in 1971 where the former deftly defended, to the extent possible, a principled commitment to Taiwan. Ultimately, the administration’s insistence on establishing rapprochement with Beijing did not mean that Washington simply would cave to every Chinese demand. Taiwan was not expendable.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 263-264
Author(s):  
John F. Copper

This book assesses how Taiwan, the nation officially known as the Republic of China but called "Taiwan Province" in the People's Republic of China, uses propaganda to pursue foreign policy objectives, attain its national interests, and, even more than that, survive.


1996 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 70-73

President Lee. After my inauguration, very soon, probably in July or August, we may need to convene a Political-Economic Conference. This conference will cover such important topics for the next four years. The first one will be our mainland policy. The second one would be the foreign policy for the Republic of China on Taiwan, and lastly, what opinions people have on domestic political reform.


1967 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 59-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melvin Gurtov

Ever since the conquest of the mainland by Communist forces, the foreign policy of the Republic of China has revolved about a single goal: recovery of the mainland. Recovery of the mainland is, in fact, the reason d'être of the Chiang Kai-shek régime; should the government ever admit doubts about its ability or desire to return, the entire basis for KMT rule would be irrevocably undercut. It is therefore not surprising that, in the last two years no less than in the more distant past, the theme of an imminent return has dominated the pages of Formosa's newspapers, with new evidence being brought forward regularly to demonstrate that the mainland régime is on the verge of collapse. The cultural revolution has brought about important changes in the “return” theme. It has not reduced its relevance, but seems to have induced recalculations in ROC official circles over the timing and nature of the mainland recovery operation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document