scholarly journals Hegel’s justification of the human right to non-domination

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 579-612 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Westphal

?Hegel? and ?human rights? are rarely conjoined, and the designation ?human rights? appears rarely in his works. Indeed, Hegel has been criticised for omitting civil and political rights all together. My surmise is that readers have looked for a modern Decalogue, and have neglected how Hegel justifies his views, and hence just what views he does justify. Philip Pettit (1997) has refocused attention on republican liberty. Hegel and I agree with Pettit that republican liberty is a supremely important value, but appealing to its value, or justifying it by appeal to reflective equilibrium, are insufficient both in theory and in practice. By reconstructing Kant?s Critical methodology and explicating the social character of rational justification in non-formal domains, Hegel shows that the republican right to non-domination is constitutive of the equally republican right to justification (Forst 2007) - both of which are necessary requirements for sufficient rational justification in all non-formal domains, including both claims to rights or imputations of duties or responsibilities. That is the direct moral, political and juridical implication of Hegel?s analysis of mutual recognition, and its fundamental, constitutive role in rational justification. Specific corollaries to the fundamental republican right to non-domination must be determined by considering what forms of illicit domination are possible or probable within any specific society, in view of its social, political and economic structures and functioning.

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ville Suuronen

Hannah Arendt’s support for the “right to have rights” arises as a critical response to the modern biopolitical human condition. While Arendt’s reflections on human rights have received broad recognition, the question concerning the economic preconditions of citizenship in her work remains an unduly neglected subject. This article takes up this issue and argues that, for Arendt, the fulfillment of basic social rights is the sine qua non without which the fulfillment of political rights is impossible. Thinking with and against Arendt, I show that her famous distinction between the private, the social, and the political can be fruitfully reinterpreted as an argument for basic income. When Arendt’s reflections on human rights are read in the light of her ideas concerning technology and automation, she no longer appears as a theorist who ignores social justice, but as a thinker who seeks to counter the modern biopolitical human condition and open up new realms for democratic political action. Instead of ignoring social questions, Arendt argues that with the help of technology, we can strive to politicize fundamental social questions in a way that they would achieve a self-evident stature as human rights, and as fundamental human rights, rise above political debate, even though we would remain conscious of their political origins. Arendt does not simply exclude “the social questions” from politics but argues that this is what all technologically developed societies can strive to do. In Arendt’s futuristic vision, the private life of citizens will be politicized through technological intervention: ancient slaves will be replaced by machines. By comparing Arendt with Foucault and Agamben, I maintain that a critical reading of her work can provide us with a pathway toward understanding the right to life’s basic necessities, to zoe, as a future human right.


2007 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noam Schimmel

AbstractThe right to an education that is consonant with and draws upon the culture and language of indigenous peoples is a human right which is too often overlooked by governments when they develop and implement programmes whose purported goals are to improve the social, economic and political status of these peoples. Educational programmes for indigenous peoples must fully respect and integrate human rights protections, particularly rights to cultural continuity and integrity. Racist attitudes dominate many government development programmes aimed at indigenous peoples. Educational programmes for indigenous peoples are often designed to forcibly assimilate them and destroy the uniqueness of their language, values, culture and relationship with their native lands. Until indigenous peoples are empowered to develop educational programmes for their own communities that reflect and promote their values and culture, their human rights are likely to remain threatened by governments that use education as a political mechanism for coercing indigenous peoples to adapt to a majority culture that does not recognize their rights, and that seeks to destroy their ability to sustain and pass on to future generations their language and culture.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Alexandre Peñalver i Cabré

Human Right to Environment is one the most relevant Third Generation Human Rights which includes new universal needs arisen from the last third of 20th century. These new human rights add as an additional layer to the First Generation Human Rights (civil and political rights from the end of 18th century) and to the Second Generation Human Rights (economic, social and cultural rights from 19th century).


ADALAH ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Latipah Nasution

Indonesia sebagai negara yang berdasarkan hukum (rechstat), mempunyai konsekuensi yakni adanya supremasi hukum. Ini artinya, setiap tindakan administrasi negara harus berdasarkan hukum yang berlaku, selain harus memberikan kepastian hukum (asas legalitas). Sistem demokrasi yang berlandaskan hukum dan berkedaulatan rakyat menjadi dasar kehidupan dalam berbangsa dan bernegara. Demokrasi sebagai sistem pemerintahan yang dianut oleh Indonesia menyatakan bahwa suatu pemerintahan dipimpin oleh rakyat, dari rakyat, dan untuk rakyat. Bentuk pengejawantahan dari sistem demokrasi adalah diselenggarakannya Pemilu secara langsung. Adapun landasan dasar dilaksanakannya pemilu adalah pasal 22 E ayat (1) Undang Undang Dasar 1945 yang telah mengamanatkan diselenggarakannya pemilu dengan berkualitas, mengikutsertakan partisipasi rakyat seluas-luasnya atas prinsip demokrasi yakni langsung, umum, bebas, rahasia, jujur dan adil melalui suatu perundang-undangan (Handayani, 2014: 1). Pemilihan umum sebagai sarana pelaksanaan kedaulatan rakyat yang dilaksanakan secara langsung, umum, bebas, jujur, dan adil dengan menjamin prinsip perwakilan, akuntabilitas dan legitimasi dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945.  Dinamika pada pemilihan umum seringkali diwarnai dengan isu mahar politik oleh para kontestan politik, sebagaimana dipublikasi diberbagai media di Indonesia. Praktik mahar politik dapat dipahami sebagai transaksi dibawah tangan yang melibatkan pemberian sejumlah dana dari calon pejabat tertentu untuk jabatan tertentu dalam pemilu partai politik sebagai kendaraan politiknya (Susilo, 2018: 155). Pemilihan umum sejatinya merupakan sebuah arena yang mewadahi para calon kandidat dalam kontestasi politik yang meraih kekuasaan partisipasi rakyat untuk menentukan pilihan dan sebagai penyalur hak sosial dan politik masyarakat itu sendiri (Simamora, 2014: 2).Pelaksanaan pemilu memberikan harapan rakyat dengan lahirnya seorang pmimpin yang mampu menyejahterakan dan membahagiakan rakyat dengan beberapa kebijakan yang dibuatnya. Namun dalam proses pemilu seringkali dicederai oleh beberapa oknum dari para calon kandidat beserta tim suksesnya yang mengunakan segala cara untuk memenangkan kontestasi politik, selain mahar politik, money politic juga kerap menjadi isu hangat dalam kontestasi politik. Terjadinya politik uang bukan hanya pada pasangan kandidat, namun juga karena masyarakat yang berpikir instan seringkali tertarik dengan politik uang. Penegakan hukum dalam kasus ini perlu diperhatikan guna melestarikan pesta demokrasi yang bersih dari tindak pidana dalam pemilu (Hadi; Fadhlika; Ambarwati, 2018: 398).Prinsip demokrasi dan keadilan dalam pemilihan umum (electoral justice) adalah keterlibatan masyarakat merupakan hal yang mutlak. Hak masyarakat sangat mendasar dan asasi sifatnya. Hal ini diamini, sebagaimana dimuat dalam Universal Declaration of Human Right 1948 yang telah dijamin juga dalam konvenan dan turunannya, terlebih dalam Convenan on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Cultural and social Rights atau yang lumrah disebut dengan International Bill of Human Rights.  Dengan dicantumkannya hak dasar dalam pelaksanaan pemilu, maka berlaku pula prinsip-prinsip integritas pemilu  yang mensyaratkan adanya pemantauan masyarakat yang independen dan penyelenggaraan pemilu yang transparan dan akuntabel. Hal ini serupa pentingnya dengan prinsip lain yang juga harus ditetapkan oleh institusi penyelenggara (KPU) dengan memiliki standar perilaku dan beretika, serta mampu menerapkan aturan secara adil tanpa pandang bulu.Untuk menjamin agar pemilu berjalan sesuai dengan ketentuan dan asas pemilu, diperlukan suatu pengawalan terhadap jalannya setiap tahapan pemilu. Dalam konteks pengawasan pemilu di Indonesia, pengawasan terhadap proses pemilu dilembagakan dengan adanya lembaga Badan Pengawas Pemilu (Bawaslu). Pengawasan dari Bawaslu adalah bentuk pengawasan yang terlembaga dari suatu organ Negara.Terlepas dari aturan tentang pemilihan umum yang diatur sedemikan rupa untuk memberikan kedaulatan bagi rakyat itu sendiri dalam penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum, pada prakteknya terdapat banyak permasalahan yang pada akhirnya mengurangi, merampas, dan meniadakan kedaulatan rakyat dalam penyelenggaraan pemilu. Pemerintahan yang seharusnya berasal dari rakyat, oleh rakyat, dan untuk rakyat berubah menjadi pemerintahan yang berasal, dari, dan untuk kepentingan kelompok tertentu. Hal yang paling mencolok terjadi dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden yakni Black Campaign. Permasalahan penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum yang berakibat pada  kedaulatan rakyat seperti money politic, budaya money politic marak terjadi dimana – mana dan bukan lagi merupakan rahasia umum. Praktik politik uang terjadi pada saat pengusungan calon yang dilakukan partai dan pada saat pencarian dukungan langsung dari rakyat. Rakyat dibayar, disuap, untuk memilih calon tertentu. Dengan demikian, rakyat dalam menentukan pilihannya tidak lagi dalam kehendak bebas, kesadaran akan bangsa dan negara, maupun dalam pengendalian penuh atas dirinya. Money politic meniadakan prinsip kedaulatan rakyat dalam pemilihan umum. Suara yang diberikan tidak berdasarkan prinsip jujur dan adil.


Author(s):  
Sandra Fredman

This chapter critically examines the ways in which civil and political rights have been distinguished from socio-economic rights, including differing ideologies, subject matter; obligations, resource implications, and justiciability. Instead of such bright-line distinctions, it suggests that all rights should be seen as giving rise to a cluster of duties: to respect, protect, and fulfil. The duty to fulfil is most challenging, especially when framed as a duty of progressive realization subject to maximum available resources. Section II assesses these concepts, particularly the attempt to establish a minimum core. It concludes that a thoroughgoing acceptance of socio-economic rights requires more than the label of ‘human right’. It also entails a re-characterization of human rights values, emphasizing inter-connectedness, mutual dependence, and a substantive conception of equality. Freedom and dignity need to be refashioned to ensure that individuals have genuine choices from a range of valuable options, within a framework of participative democracy.


Author(s):  
Stephen Damilola Odebiyi ◽  
Olugbenga Elegbe

This chapter investigates media reportage of human right abuses and sexual violence against internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Nigeria. Using the social responsibility theory, it analyses how the media frames, prominence, slant and whether the Nigeria media employed investigative reports in its reportage of human rights abuses against IDPs. The chapter through a quantitative content analysis of 157 editions of two purposely selected newspapers (the Vanguard NG and the Daily Trust), found that the media failed to contextualise the stories in relation to its causes, solutions and in identifying perpetrators for justice to be served, similarly, the media took sides with victims of the violations. It also failed to accord the required prominence and necessary investigative touch to such stories. It is recommended that there should be frequent trainings for journalists so as to safeguard professionalism in the industry.


2016 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 859-894 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Lappin

AbstractThe right to vote is the most important political right in international human rights law. Framed within the broader right of political participation, it is the only right in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights not guaranteed as a universal human right but rather as a citizen's right. While limitations on the right to vote are permissible in respect of citizenship and age, residency-based restrictions are not explicitly provided. However, recent judgments of the European Court of Human Rights endorse a view that voting rights may be conditioned on residency on the grounds of an individual's bond to their country-of-origin and the extent to which laws passed by that government would affect them. This article questions this proposition and explores whether disenfranchisement based solely on residency constitutes an unreasonable and discriminatory restriction to the essence of the right.


Dialogia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 285
Author(s):  
Febri Hijroh Mukhlis

Abstract: Islam offers eternal universal message, namely justice, equality, respect and humanity. This universal message is the holy Sunnah of the Prophet.  Due to the advanced information and technology, the current problems of mankind increasingly appear. The problem can be viewed positively if everyone  understands completely the universal message of prophethood by always stand in the social-humanity. This articleis intended to examine the issue of human rights and Islamic law as an effort to end the dichotomy between Islam and humanitarian problems. It employed descriptive qualitative study that concern with a conceptual disputes. The findings showed that the dichotomy between the concept of human rights and Islamic law must be completed in terms of equality and humanity. Humanitarian affairs are a common action regardless of any interests, religion, politics, culture and even knowledge. If the harmony and understanding between the concept of humanity in the religious or tauhid framework is absence, the understanding of humanity must be freed from all forms of identity interest. Islamic law and human rights are two matters that support each other. Islam respects human rights and vice versa. The religious view must be universal as the views of human rights should also be universal. Each restricted view narrows the relationship.  كان الإسلام يحمل رسالة عالمية وهي العدالة والمساواة والاحترام والإنسانية. ملخص:وهذه الرسالة العالمية في الواقع من السنة النبوية المقدسة. ولكن الآن هناك مشكلات متنوعة يواجهها الإنسان فى عصر المعلومات والتكنولوجيات. وهذه المشكلات يمكن أن تكون إيجابية إذا كان الإنسان يفهم حقوق الرسالة النبوية العالمية التي تميل دائما إلى مجال الاجتماعية-الإنسانية. تبحث هذا البحث فى دراسة قضية حقوق الإنسان والشريعة الإسلامية كالمحاولة لإنهاء التناقض بين الشريعة والإنسانية. هذه المقالة من البحث النظري باستخدام الدراسة النوعية الوصفية. وخلاصة هذه المقالة أن ليس هناك التناقض بين مفهوم حقوق الإنسان والشريعة الإسلامية لأن أهدافها متساوية وهي العدالة والمساواة والإنسانية. ومن الممكن حل المشكلات الإنسانية تحت رعاية الشريعة الإسلامية والإنسانية بدون النظر إلى أية دين، وسياسة، وثقافة، ومعرفة. وإذا كان هناك التناقض بين مفهوم الإنسانية والشريعة الإسلامية فيجب أن تقدّم الإنسانية براءة من أية علاقة الهوية. إن الشريعة الإسلامية وحقوق الإنسان فى الحقيقة أمران يدعمان بعضهما بعضا. الإسلام يحترم حقوق الإنسان وكذلك العكس. ويجب أن تكون الفكرة الدينية عالمية وكذلك آراء حقوق الإنسان فينبغي أن تكون عالمية أيضا. الفكرة الضيقة لكل منها ستحمل إلى العلاقة الضيقة بينها. Abstrak: Islam membawa pesan universal yang abadi, yakni, keadilan, persamaan, penghargaan dan kemanusiaan. Pesan universal inilah sebenarnya Sunnah Nabi yang suci. Namun problem terkini umat manusia begitu variatif, degan semakin majunya informasi dan teknologi. Problem tersebut bisa menjadi positif jika semua orang benar-benar memahami pesan universal kenabian dengan selalu memihak kepada sosial-kemanusiaan. Artikel ini berupaya mengkaji problem HAM dan hukum Islam sebagai salah satu upaya untuk mengakhiri dikotomi antara Islam dan problem kemanusiaan. Artikel ini merupakan kajian konseptual, dengan jenis kajian kualitatif deskriptif. Kesimpulan dari kajian ini yaitu, dikotomi antara konsep HAM dan hukum Islam haruslah dituntaskan, kedunya pada satu ujung tujuan, yakni keadilan, kesetaraan dan kemanusiaan. Urusan kemanusiaan adalah urusan bersama tanpa memandang kepentingan apapun, baik agama, politik, budaya, bahkan pengetahuan. Jika tidak adanya keharmonisan dan kesepahaman antara konsep kemanusiaan dalam bingkai keagamaan atau tauhid maka pemahaman tentang kemanusiaan haruslah dibebaskan dari segala bentuk kepentingan identitas. Hukum Islam dan HAM adalah dua hal yang saling mendukung. Islam menghargai HAM begitupun sebaliknya. Pandangan agama haruslah bersifat universal sebagaimana pandangan mengenai HAM juga sebaiknya bersifat universal. Pandangan masing-masing yang sempit akan menyempitkan hubungan keduanya pula. Keywords: international human right, Islamic law, humanity  


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Louisa Elsie Heathcote

In 2016, the Indonesian government enacted Government Regulation in Lieu of Law Number 1 of the year 2016, adapted into Law number 17 of the year 2016. This regulation introduces chemical castration as a criminal sanction for child sex offenders, spurring human rights concerns. This article aims to assess whether chemical castration constitutes cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment from the perspective of Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and whether such a human rights violation can be justified. This article employs the normative research method, studying principles of law, systems of law, the synchronization of the law, the history of the law and policies, and laws in comparison to one another. The article bases its findings on laws, books, journals, judgments, and other documents.This article finds that firstly, chemical castration constitutes cruel, degrading, or inhuman treatment and secondly, that such a violation can be justified according to the limitations of human rights. The significance of this article is the basis for the increased limitation of human rights to advance the cause of child protection.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
Maša Marochini Zrinski ◽  
Karin Derenčin Vukušić

The European Convention on Human Rights, as a main Council of Europe instrument for the protection of civil and political rights, does not guarantee the right to health care. However, the European Court of Human Rights broadly interprets Convention rights, and within the context of Articles 2, 3 and 8 of the Convention it gave certain indications that it might start dealing with the issue of health care. Without going into details of all the mentioned articles, this paper will analyse cases where the Court dealt with the issue of violation of Article 3 due to non-provision of health care outside the context of detention. Namely, within the context of detention, there is a clear obligation for states to provide health care, and the Court often relies on the reports of the Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. What we consider important to point out is the Court’s case-law on providing health care outside the context of detention, given the social character of the right to health care, which goes beyond the civil and political character of the Convention.


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