scholarly journals Implicational Complement Coordination and beyond: Towards a coherent theory of asymmetric coordination in German

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Weisser

Abstract A certain class of predicates in German optionally allows for their complement clause to appear as coordinated with the matrix clause rather than embedded into it. This construction, which I will call Implicational Complement Coordination, exhibits all the hallmark properties of Asymmetric Coordination: Despite technically being in a conjunct position, the clause in question behaves like a subordinate clause with respect to asymmetric binding, asymmetric scope of negation and adverbs as well as asymmetric extraction. Based on the detailed description of the phenomenon by Reis (1993), it can be shown that this coordinate construction mimics its infinitival counterpart with respect to these syntactic tests. In this paper, I argue that this can be accounted for by saying that the coordinate construction is derived on the basis of its subordinate counterpart by means of movement. The subordinate properties of the second conjunct then derive from its derivational history as a subordinate clause. Further, I will show that even though other cases of Asymmetric Coordination (in German) lack a minimally different infinitival counterpart, they can and should still be derived from an underlyingly subordinate syntax.

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-100
Author(s):  
Melitta Gillmann

AbstractBased on a corpus study conducted using the GerManC corpus (1650–1800), the paper sketches the functional and sociosymbolic development of subordinate clause constructions introduced by the subjunctor da ‘since’ in different text genres. In the second half of the 17th and the first half of the 18th century, the da clauses were characterized by semantic vagueness: Besides temporal, spatial and causal relations, the subjunctor established conditional, concessive, and adversative links between clauses. The corpus study reveals that different genres are crucial to the readings of da clauses. Spatial and temporal usages, for example, occur more often in sermons than in other genres. The conditional reading, in contrast, strongly tends to occur in legal texts, where it displays very high frequency. This could be the reason why da clauses carry indexical meaning in contemporary German and are associated with formal language. Over the course of the 18th century, the causal usages increase in all genres. Surprisingly, these causal da clauses tend to be placed in front of the matrix clause despite the overall tendency of causal clauses to follow the matrix clause.


Author(s):  
Anke Holler

In this article, the so-called wh-relative clause construction is investigated. The German wh-relative clauses are syntactically relevant as they show both, root clause and subordinate clause properties. They matter semantically because they are introduced by a wh-anaphor that has to be resolved by an appropriate abstract entity of the matrix clause. Additionally, the wh-relative clause construction is discourse-functionally peculiar since it evokes coherence. Besides these interesting empirical characteristics, whrelatives raise important theoretical questions. It is argued that the standard HPSG theory has to be extended to account for non-restrictive relative clauses in general, and to cope with the particular properties of the wh-relative construction.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 685-706
Author(s):  
María Jesús Pérez Quintero

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to show that the theory of Functional Discourse Grammar constitutes a powerful model to account for the complex phenomenon of Neg-Raising in a consistent and systematic way. Previous studies on Neg-Raising, the phenomenon involving the transfer of the negative from a complement clause to the matrix clause, have traditionally characterized it in terms of syntactic and, more extensively, semantic criteria. These studies have focused on the delimitation of the type of verbs involved in this construction, since Neg-Raising is only allowed by some complement taking verbs, all related to certain kinds of modality. However, despite having been studied extensively, Neg-Raising remains an unclear phenomenon in certain respects. Taking as a point of departure the classification of Complement Clauses resulting from the application of the three parameters (Entity Type, Presupposition and Factuality) proposed within Functional Discourse Grammar, it is possible to arrive at a consistent delimitation of the constructions exhibiting Neg-Raising. Furthermore, the Morphological Level allows accounting for Neg- Raising without resorting to any kind of movement rule. It is through the operation of Morphological Encoding that the negative comes to occupy its position in the matrix clause.


2015 ◽  
Vol 71 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Jasmina Moskovljevic-Popovic

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze different co reference relations which can be established in a complex sentence between one of the arguments of the matrix clause and the understood/implicit subject of the complement clause introduced by the complementizer ?da?. Various patterns of control relations which are present in contemporary Serbian - obligatory, non-obligatory, and shared control - have been enumerated and exemplified. Different types of constructions and different classes of verbs which introduce (or may introduce) control relations have been identified and patterns of control instantiated by them have been described. It has been argued that the analysis of the Serbian data indicates that a type of the matrix predicate is not the only factor which determines the control relations established in a complex sentence, but that a type of situation/event described in the complement clause, as well as the relationship between the events denoted by the matrix and the complement clauses have their influence too.


Author(s):  
Zygmunt Frajzyngier ◽  
Marielle Butters

Chapter 4 demonstrates that a systematic ambiguity within a domain may constitute a motivation in the emergence of a function. The functional domain discussed is the domain of reference. The systematic ambiguity at play is the coding of reference in clausal complements of verbs of saying. More specifically, the question is whether the participants in the complement clause are coreferential with the participant in the matrix clause or whether they are not coreferential. Some languages deploy pronouns in the complement clause to code disjoint reference and person, number, and gender agreement on the verb to code coreference (Polish). Other languages deploy pronouns in the complement clause to code coreference and nouns to code disjoint reference (English). The specific solution described in Chapter 4 are logophoric pronouns which code not only coreference with the subject of the matrix clause but also coreference with other arguments of the matrix clause. The Chapter describes how logophoric coding emerged from the de dicto reference markers.


2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonella Sorace ◽  
Francesca Filiaci

This study presents data from an experiment on the interpretation of intrasentential anaphora in Italian by native Italian speakers and by English speakers who have learned Italian as adults and have reached a near-native level of proficiency in this language. The two groups of speakers were presented with complex sentences consisting of a main clause and a subordinate clause, in which the subordinate clause had either an overt pronoun or a null subject pronoun. In half of the sentences the main clause preceded the subordinate clause (forward anaphora) and in the other half the subordinate clause preceded the main clause (backward anaphora). Participants performed in a picture verification task in which they had to indicate the picture(s) that corresponded to the meaning of the subordinate clause, thus identifying the possible antecedents of the null or overt subject pronouns. The patterns of responses of the two groups were very similar with respect to the null subject pronouns in both the forward and backward anaphora conditions. Compared to native monolingual speakers, however, the near-natives had a significantly higher preference for the subject of the matrix clause as a possible antecedent of overt subject pronouns, particularly in the backward anaphora condition. The results indicate that near-native speakers have acquired the syntactic constraints on pronominal subjects in Italian, but may have residual indeterminacy in the interface processing strategies they employ in interpreting pronominal forms.


2008 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-61
Author(s):  
Catherine Fuchs ◽  
Nathalie Fournier ◽  
Pierre Le Goffic

This article deals with syntactic and semantic representation of comparative structures in French. We propose an analysis of quantitative comparatives (plus, moins, aussi … que) and qualitative comparatives (comme) which highlights their common properties as well as their specificities. The first section (§ 1) offers a syntactic typology of matrix clause structures and (comparative) subordinate clause structures. The following sections consider the various aspects of semantic representations, as related to syntactic structures : we successively deal with (§ 2.) the type of parameter, (§ 3.) the type of differential constituant in the subordinate clause, (§ 4.) the type of parallel constituant in the matrix clause (with restitution of ellipses and anaphora), (§ 5.) the type of compared terms, by contrasting quantitative comparisons and qualitative comparison, and (§ 6.) the type of comparison, accounting for prototypical structures as well as for pragmatic effects induced by certain configurations.


Diksi ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suhardi

This article reexamines Samsuri’s concept of a complement clause. Acomplement clause in an embedded transformed sentence functions to complement a nounphrase (as a subject or an object), a verb phrase, an adjective phrase, a numeral phrase, anda prepositional phrase (as a predicate in a matrix clause). The complement clauseembedded into a matrix clause complements a certain phrase in the matrix clause.Embedding a complement clause into a matrix clause uses certain embedding particles.The relational meaning of the complement clause and the main clause in an embeddedtransformed sentence can be identified on the basis of the syntactic meaning of theembedding operator employed. A complement clause as a combined clause complements acertain phrase in a main/matrix sentence, whereas an adverbial clause is the basic clausethat gives explanation to the main/matrix sentence.Keywords: complement clause, matrix cluse, combined clause, embedded transformation


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-84
Author(s):  
Shinichi Shoji

This study investigated native English speakers’ acquisition of the constraint for topic-wa and the preference for subject-ga in multiple-clause sentences in Japanese. The constraint for topic-wa is that the topic-wa cannot appear in certain types of subordinate clauses, and the preference for subject-ga is that the overt subject-ga in a subordinate clause should not overlap the topic for a matrix clause. Two sentence-completion experiments were conducted with native English-speaking participants, who were considered advanced-level Japanese learners, as well as native Japanese-speaking participants (the control group). The results indicated that although English speakers followed the constraint for the topic-wa, they frequently used the topic-wa as non-subject topics (unlike native Japanese speakers) when an embedded subordinate clause intervened between the topic-wa and the rest of the matrix clause. Also, English speakers used the same subject-ga for both subordinate and matrix clauses, unlike the native Japanese speakers’ preference. The outcome implies that English speakers associated the topic-wa with English non-subject topics, and the subject-ga with English subjects.


2021 ◽  
pp. 014272372110242
Author(s):  
Ian Morton ◽  
C. Melanie Schuele

Preschoolers’ earliest productions of sentential complement sentences have matrix clauses that are limited in form. Diessel proposed that matrix clauses in these early productions are propositionally empty fixed phrases that lack semantic and syntactic integration with the clausal complement. By 4 years of age, however, preschoolers produce sentential complement sentences with matrix clauses that are more varied. Diessel proposed that the matrix clauses in these later productions semantically and syntactically embed the complement clause. We refer to these matrix clauses as formulaic and true, respectively. Diessel’s hypothesis about the development of sentential complement sentences was based on an analysis of spontaneous language. The purpose of this study was to evaluate Diessel’s hypothesis with an experimental sentence imitation task wherein stimuli varied in the nature of the matrix clause. Thirty children with typical language development participated; 10 children in each age group (3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds) imitated 50 sentential complement sentences that included either a true or a formulaic matrix clause; the structure of the dependent clauses did not vary. Dependent variables were percent sentence imitation and percent matrix clause imitation. There was a significant main effect for matrix clause type on imitation of sentences and matrix clauses. There was also a significant main effect for age on imitation of sentences and matrix clauses. Significant matrix clause type-by-age interactions were such that percent sentence imitation and percent matrix clause imitation varied by age. Three- and 4-year-olds were less proficient than 5-year-olds on imitation of sentences with true matrix clauses and on imitations of true matrix clauses. Only 3- and 4-year-olds were less proficient imitating true matrix clauses than formulaic matrix clauses. Experimental findings support Diessel’s hypothesis that there is a developmental progression in the nature of preschoolers’ production of sentential complement sentences.


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