scholarly journals Monetary integration issues in Latin America: A multivariate assessment

2008 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-308
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Allegret ◽  
Alain Sand-Zantman

This paper assesses the monetary consequences of the Latin-American integration process. Over the period 1991-2007, we analyze a sample of five Latin-American countries focusing on the feasibility of a monetary union between L.A. economies. To this end, we study the issue of business cycle synchronization with the occurrence of common shocks. First, we assess the international disturbances influence on the domestic business cycles. Second, we analyze the impact of the adoption of different exchange rate regimes on the countries' responses to shocks. .

Author(s):  
Alexandra Huneeus

This chapter seeks to explain why the impact of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights varies greatly across the different Latin American countries under its jurisdiction. Three case studies suggest that the uneven spread of constitutional ideas and practices across Latin America helps shape the type of authority the IACtHR exerts. In Colombia, where neoconstitutionalist lawyers were able to successfully ally themselves with reformers and participate in the construction of a new constitution and court starting in 1991, the Court now enjoys narrow, intermediate, and extensive authority. In Chile, where constitutional reform was muted, and neoconstitutionalist doctrines have not found strong adherents in the judiciary, the IACtHR has achieved narrow authority and, at times, intermediate authority. In Venezuela, neoconstitutionalism was sidelined as the new Bolivarian constitutional order was forged. Meanwhile, the Mexican case study suggests that the neoconstitutionalist movement can also work transnationally.


Author(s):  
Brigitte Granville

This chapter analyzes the impact of low inflation. It argues that despite repeated efforts by governing authorities to initiate anti-inflationary policies, long-lasting stabilization can prove elusive. Reducing inflation is one thing, but keeping it down is the real challenge. The chapter highlights the experiences of some Latin American countries in the 1970s and 1980s, Russia in the 1990s, and Argentina in the 2000s. One typical mistake was to choose the exchange rate as the nominal anchor, which allows the inflation rate to be reduced quickly, but its effect is temporary, as governments often use lower inflation as a reason to delay the necessary fiscal tightening, eventually leading to the collapse of the exchange rate peg and inflation striking back with a vengeance.


2020 ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Magda Hinojosa ◽  
Miki Caul Kittilson

Chapter 3 focuses on a select set of Latin American countries (Honduras, Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Panama) where women’s legislative representation doubled from one election to the next and rose above 20 percent. Detecting the effects of quotas and descriptive representation is complicated. Available survey evidence is inadequate to discern clear patterns on how sizable jumps in the numbers of women in political office influence political engagement and support. Cross-national survey timing makes it even more difficult to gauge the impact of these changes. Further, these gains may not have always been publicly visible, and a variety of salient campaign issues and events contend for the public’s attention and may overshadow the influence of women’s election to office. Assessing changes to political engagement and political support requires precise methods. In this way, this chapter sets up the analysis using our unique survey from Uruguay.


Author(s):  
Nieve Rubaja ◽  
María Mercedes Albornoz

Private International Family Law has been challenged by the impact of recent social changes. Such an impact is shaped by an increasing globalization, new types of families, and, especially, technology and biomedical developments. Some of the new complex situations call for the creation of original solutions. Latin American countries are making efforts to gradually include in their domestic Private International Law provisions that capture this scenario. However, some international treaties still in force in the region were drafted many years ago, reflecting cultural, religious and social conceptions which have been outgrown by new realities and principles nowadays prevailing. This chapter shows some of the difficulties, possibilities and challenges that the most relevant multilateral legal instruments currently face in Latin America. It also explores and highlights the work of several international bodies in order to achieve the international protection of families and, in particular, to guarantee the rights of children.


2012 ◽  
Vol 209 ◽  
pp. 59-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhys Jenkins ◽  
Alexandre de Freitas Barbosa

AbstractThere has been considerable concern in Latin America over the implications of increased competition from China for local industry. These concerns include the possibility of “deindustrialization,” the increased “primarization” of the region's exports and the difficulties of upgrading manufactured exports into higher technology products. This article examines the impact of Chinese competition both in the domestic market and in export markets on Brazilian industry. It documents the increased penetration of Chinese manufactures in the Brazilian market and the way in which Brazilian exports have lost market share to China in the US, European Union and four Latin American countries. Brazil, because of its more developed and locally integrated industrial sector, is not typical of other Latin American countries and the article also discusses the relevance of the Brazilian experience for the region as a whole.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 320-325
Author(s):  
Guillermo Jorge

Most Latin American countries are in the process of implementing international anticorruption standards, including standards for combating corporate corruption. Primarily based on the U.S. experience with the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA), these international standards for combating corporate corruption are coalescing into a standardized paradigm, which requires states to establish corporate liability regimes that incentivize companies to prevent, self-police, and cooperate with law enforcement authorities in exchange for more lenient sanctions.


1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Blen Solomon

This study investigates the effects of exchange rate uncertainty and politicalrisk, after controlling for the conventional macroeconomic detenninants, on remittancestransfers into eight Latin American countries during the period of 1990-2006.The results suggest that an increase in exchange rate uncertainty reduces remittancesflows into these countries. Furthennore, an increase in political risk seems to havea negative but statistically insignificant impact on remittances transfers. Based onthe findings of this paper, we can say that governments of the remittance receivingcountries can influence the inflow of remittances by means of adopting appropriatemacroeconomic policies to reduce exchange rate uncertainty and also by improvingtheir political environments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (10) ◽  
pp. 1265-1281
Author(s):  
Mert Akyuz ◽  
Cagin Karul ◽  
Ibrahim Demir

PurposeThe aim of this research is to investigate the causal relationship between trade openness (TO) and life expectancy (LE) at birth in Latin American countries over the period of 1980–2014.Design/methodology/approachThe bootstrap panel Granger causality test proposed by Emirmahmutoglu and Kose (2011) was used to determine the direction of causality in the presence of cross-sectional dependency and heterogeneity among Latin American countries. Also, four different tests were employed in order to determine the cross-sectional dependency and slope homogeneity. The stationarity properties of variables were inspected by employing a unit root test.FindingsThe findings indicated that Granger causality existed between TO and LE, at birth which was running from the former to the latter for panel. On a country basis, TO Granger caused LE at birth for countries with low level of economic development and higher taxes on income and profits.Practical implicationsThis study provides new insights for policymaking regarding the role of TO in achieving comprehensive economic reforms to increase LE at birth during a period of intense trade rivalry across nations.Originality/valueAlthough research in the literature has mainly focused on the impact of TO on LE at birth with panel data, most studies ignored the regional effects. It is the authors’ concern that the direction of causality can be country-specific and have regional characteristics. In this regard, instead of dividing countries for a specific region into two parts such as developing and developed, the authors investigated the pattern of trade–health link for a specific region, Latin America.


Author(s):  
Kathleen Bruhn

Modern representative democracy cannot function without political parties, however rudimentary. Parties in turn cannot function without money. The subject of party finance is therefore central to the construction of contemporary democracies. Latin American countries have attempted to meet the challenges of preserving democracy while providing for political parties across three main areas of financial regulation: provision of public finance, regulation of private finance, and limiting campaign spending. In all three areas, transparency (reporting), oversight, and enforcement of existing legal regulations remain important problems for the health of the political system. In the late 20th century, Latin American countries increasingly turned to public finance as a way of supplementing existing systems of private contributions. This trend seems to have been inspired both by a desire to reduce the inequalities inherent in Latin America’s socioeconomic structure and by efforts to contain and prevent episodes of scandal and undue influence generated by private contributors. Public finance particularly benefits small parties and parties with fewer connections to the wealthy sectors that tend to dominate private contributions. Public finance may contribute to the institutionalization of both party organizations and party systems, but it may also weaken the dependence of parties on their members and supporters in ways that undermine representation. Private finance in Latin America remains largely obscure. We know that relatively few private donors account for the lion’s share of party donations, but it is unclear in many cases exactly who donates, or what their money buys. It is therefore difficult for voters (and analysts) to determine the structure of party obligations to donors and to hold parties accountable. Partly as a result, drug money is believed to have penetrated the political systems of many Latin American countries, especially but not exclusively at the local level. Campaign spending limits, including limits on the duration of campaigns and campaign advertising, have been employed in some cases to try to contain costs and thus reduce the incentives of parties to seek out private donations, especially of questionable origin. Lax enforcement, however, limits the impact of these initiatives.


Author(s):  
James C Franklin

Abstract This research examines the impact of human rights protests on human rights abuses in seven Latin American countries—Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. I find that protests focused broadly on human rights are associated with significant declines in human rights abuses, controlling for important factors from previous studies. Furthermore, I argue that it is important to distinguish political repression (abuses that target political activists) from coercive state oppression, which has nonpolitical targets. These two types of abuses respond to different factors, but broadly focused human rights protests are found to decrease both types of abuses. I argue further that a strong human rights movement, indicated by frequent human rights protests, discourages the police abuses associated with oppression by raising the likelihood of accountability for such abuses, including by improving the likelihood of reforms to the criminal justice system.


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