scholarly journals Development of population geography from antropogeography to spatial-analitical approach

Stanovnistvo ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Milena Spasovski ◽  
Danica Santic

Population geography is a subdiscipline of Human geography and studies the distribution, concentration and density of population over the terestrial surface, as well as differences in population size, changes and characteristics, like structures, migrations, activity etc, among some places present compared to others. Population geography has had a perscientific stage as long as human history. First modern scientific treatis of population in geography was the F. Ratzels book Antropogeography in 1882. During the first half of the XX century, French geographer Vidal de la Blanche gave a capital importance of population studies in his work Principes de Geographie Humaine. In interwar years, various aspects of population were studied. After The Second World War started the renovating movement of geography and new tendencies appear in human geography and, consequently in population geography. Attempts were made to define population geography as a separate sub-discipline. The world wide trend of treating population geography as separate discipline was expressed by publishing monographs, bibliographies and textbooks. The most significant authors who worked on defining population geography were French geographers P. George (1951, 1959), Beaujen-Garnier (1965, 1966); North-american geographers: G. Trewarta (1953, 1969), W. Bunge (1962), J. Clance (1965, 1971), W. Zelinski (1966); in Great Britain: J.I. Clarke (1965); in USSR: Ju.G. Sauskin i D.N. Anucin (1950), V.V. Poksisevskij (1966), D.I. Valentej (1973); in Poland V. Ormotski (1931), L. Kosinski (1967) A. Jagelski (1980). Those authors and their works had the significant influence on the development of population science in the world and also in Serbia. Although the development of population geography was different in different countries and scientific research centers, we can clearly defined four stages. First stage lasted untill 1960s and was characterised by works of G.Trewarta, H. Doerres Ju.G. Sauskin, D.N. Anucin, J. Beaujeu-Gariner. G. Trewarta argued that the population is the point of reference from which all other elements are observed and from which all derive significance and meaning. This view was adopted and shared by authors dealing with population items, explicitly or implicitly. Second stage lasted from 1960s till 1970s and the most significant authors dealing with population problems were W. Zelinsky, W. Bunge; H.Bobek, W. Hartke, K.Ruppert, F.Schaffer; D.I. Valentej, K.Korcak. This phase was characterized by the application of quantitative methods and efforts for understanding the spatial structure of the population. Many scientists see this development phase as a particularly prosperous period, because it carried more intensive relations of geography and demography through the introduction of statistical, mathematical and demographic methods and techniques in studies of population geography. Third phase lasted from 1970s to 1980s, and was characterized by close relations between population geography and formal demography. Development and application of GIS and computer data, have made population studies more complex and applicable in practice, through population policy and population projections. The most significant authors in this period were L. Kosinski, A. Jagelski, H?gerstrand. And at last, fourth stage started in 1980s and in many countries lastes untill present days. In population geography appeared new tendencies associated with the critique of positivism, the establishment of humanistic approaches and modifications of general geographic concepts. In this period, spatial analysis and quantitative scientific methods were reaffirmed, and because of that some population studies were redefined in spatial demography, a time dimension advocated in historical demography. In this context, we emphasize the work of D. Plane and P. Rogerson. Population geography is viewed differently from one country to another. Its definition differs from too narrow to overly broad. But two research areas were of particular interest to geographers - population distribution and migration. Both items acquired an international dimension. Recently, eminent population geographers exchanged various view points in an attempt to provoke new thinking on subject and define the answers of new fields research in population geography. Population geography in the XXI Century is no longer a field comprised of spatial applications of fertility, mortality and migration only. Contemporary population geography is theoretically sophisticated, integrating spatial analysis, GIS and geo-referenced data. Future progress in the field of population geography will derive from more research at the intersections of population processes and societal issues and concerns. Major themes of future empirical researches in population geography should be: global population growth, studies of migration, transnationalism, human security issues, population-health-environment nexus, human-environment sustainability, economic development and poverty issues.

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 1133-1142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ron Johnston ◽  
Richard Harris ◽  
Kelvyn Jones ◽  
David Manley ◽  
Wenfei Winnie Wang ◽  
...  

Although pioneering studies using statistical methods in geographical data analysis were published in the 1930s, it was only in the 1960s that their increasing use in human geography led to a claim that a ‘quantitative revolution’ had taken place. The widespread use of quantitative methods from then on was associated with changes in both disciplinary philosophy and substantive focus. The first decades of the ‘revolution’ saw quantitative analyses focused on the search for spatial order of a geometric form within an, often implicit, logical positivist framework. In the first of three reviews of the use of quantitative methods in human geography, this progress report uncovers their origin with regard to the underlying philosophy, the focus on spatial order, and the nature of the methods deployed. Subsequent reports will outline the changes in all three that occurred in later decades and will chart the contemporary situation.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-64
Author(s):  
Michael S Teitelbaum

On the one hand the techniques of demographic projection are essential: they offer powerful and objective quantitative methods that, implemented and interpreted properly, can provide a hypothetical migration commission with critical insights into possible futures - futures that might otherwise not be apparent by examining contem-poraneous data. At the same time, if implemented improperly or interpreted naively, such long range demographic projections could represent instruments of confusion, exaggeration, and even deliberate distortion. Both the strengths and weaknesses in-herent in the use of demographic projections need to be understood by any immigra-tion commission that might emerge.


Author(s):  
KC Samir ◽  
Michaela PotanČoková

The preceding chapters have all contributed to building the knowledge base for the actual Wittgenstein Centre for Demography and Global Human Capital (WIC) projections that will be presented and discussed in the second part of this book. This chapter stands as a bridge between the two parts. Its focus is the translation and operationalization of the empirical evidence and the substantive arguments presented so far into specific population projections by age, sex, and level of educational attainment for all countries in the world. This is a complex exercise in which data and methodology play the crucial roles. The cohort–component multidimensional projections presented in this volume require a large amount of information, ranging from base-year data on population disaggregated by levels of educational attainment by age and sex, to data on fertility, mortality, and migration by age, sex, and education for the base year, and, finally, to the assumed numerical values of these determinants according to the different scenarios. This new set of expert argument-based projections by age, sex, and educational attainment presents an important new step at the forefront of international population projections. As discussed in Chapter 1, this is a logical next step in the tradition of international population projections by the World Population Program of the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA). This effort also goes beyond what the United Nations (UN) and other agencies have been doing in two important ways: it provides the most comprehensive and systematic summary of expert knowledge on future fertility, mortality, and migration to date—including the input of hundreds of demographers from around the world—and it translates this into the most comprehensive set of human capital projections for 195 countries. The WIC projections cover all countries in the world with more than 100,000 inhabitants. In this effort, the study builds on and significantly expands earlier IIASA reconstructions and projections of the population by age, sex, and educational attainment for 120 countries published in 2007 and 2010 (KC et al., 2010; Lutz et al., 2007).


2014 ◽  
pp. 461-470
Author(s):  
Danica Santic

Population distribution reflects the integrity of natural, social, economic and historical factors of the geospace, relevant both for fundamental and applied research. Complex spatial structure of the contemporary distribution of population in the world, and Serbia as well, during history was determined by human migrations of complex scope and determinants. The aim of this paper was to describe and analyze the geographical redistribution of the population by using the Hoover index as a measure of the redistribution. This measure was introduced by Edgar Hoover in 1936 and it has been widely used in geography. By computing this index, we can allocate the region of population concentration and deconcentration in Serbia. General conceptual framework of concentration and dispersion of population at different geographical levels is presented here. These differences in the achieved level of concentration in Serbia are correlated with the historical development of population, transition from an agrarian into industrial society, and process of urbanization and migration in the last sixty years.


2016 ◽  
Vol 113 (23) ◽  
pp. 6460-6465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan J. Azose ◽  
Hana Ševčíková ◽  
Adrian E. Raftery

We produce probabilistic projections of population for all countries based on probabilistic projections of fertility, mortality, and migration. We compare our projections to those from the United Nations’ Probabilistic Population Projections, which uses similar methods for fertility and mortality but deterministic migration projections. We find that uncertainty in migration projection is a substantial contributor to uncertainty in population projections for many countries. Prediction intervals for the populations of Northern America and Europe are over 70% wider, whereas prediction intervals for the populations of Africa, Asia, and the world as a whole are nearly unchanged. Out-of-sample validation shows that the model is reasonably well calibrated.


Geography ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Davies Withers

The term “quantitative research” refers to the systematic scientific investigation of quantitative properties and phenomena and their relationships, by using statistical methods. It includes the analysis of numerical spatial data, the development of spatial theory, and the constructing and testing of mathematical models of spatial processes. As geographers know, spatial analysis is very important. The aim of spatial analysis is to understand differences across space rather than regularities. Quantitative methods have been an integral part of human geography since the quantitative revolution of the 1950s. Quantitative methods in the early 21st century are vastly more sophisticated than their earlier counterparts. Since the early 1990s, in particular, the interest in georeferenced data and the need to understand it have led to an enormous field of spatial analysis. By the late 1990s, the field of spatial analysis had matured to the point where the methods of spatial analysis served as fundamental research techniques in a variety of disciplines, including geography, ecology, environmental studies, epidemiology, regional science, sociology, and urban planning. The quantitative methods of yesteryear have given way to a complex field of spatial analysis that serves as a unifying methodology for social science in general.


Author(s):  
Thomas Scharping

Studies of population dynamics are the domain of demography, a joint enterprise of social and biological sciences that, since its beginnings in the 17th century, has developed into a highly mathematized subject. Statistics and precision are essential in the field, especially in the Chinese case, where minuscule discrepancies of rates translate into huge differences in absolute amounts, with widely differing per capita indicators for one-fifth of the world population following. At its best, demography offers empirical substance, methodological stringency, and representative findings that are often missing in the more freewheeling contributions of other disciplines; at its worst, it becomes immersed in mechanical number-crunching in which the social and cultural, and political and economic, meaning of data evaporates. In China, population has been a topic for rulers, bureaucrats, and philosophers of statecraft for nearly three thousand years. As a modern discipline, however, demography had to await importation from the West in 1918. During the Mao era it first became a forbidden bourgeois subject, then made a brief comeback in the mid-1950s, was banned again until 1973, and existed in the shadows up to 1977. Population figures and other statistical data were nonexistent or inaccessible after the Great Leap Forward of 1958–1960. When they became available again, the leadership’s alarm over high population numbers led to tightened birth policies and turned demography from a proscribed into a prescribed subject. Because of the crucial importance of demographic information for public policy and development planning in post-Mao China, population studies has evolved into a key discipline of Chinese social sciences. Since the 1980s there has been an unprecedented growth of such studies, and the mass of statistics and research dwarfs information from other parts of the world. At the same time, their academic standards have been raised to international levels. These developments have revived Western studies on Chinese population dynamics, which were languishing for a long time. Since China’s 1982 census, studies on the three main components of demographic change—mortality, fertility and migration—and on related topics, have thrived. Most survey-based investigations, analyses, and concomitant debates have appeared in demographic publications, but less so in Chinese Studies. Work focuses on the analysis of population size and composition, growth dynamics, and data relationships. Fruitful extensions follow, once deeper questions of cause and effect are raised. Population studies then become linked to both Chinese Studies and disciplines such as sociology, economics and political science, anthropology, history, and geography, which provide indispensable interpretative background. However, the complex interdependencies in population development have notoriously resisted theoretical generalization.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (8) ◽  
pp. 1133-1158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu Zhu ◽  
Jinhong Ding ◽  
Guixin Wang ◽  
Jianfa Shen ◽  
Liyue Lin ◽  
...  

In an era of mass mobility, those who are permitted to migrate and those who are criminalized, controlled, and prohibited from migrating are heavily patterned by race. By placing race at the centre of its analysis, this volume brings together fourteen essays that examine, question, and explain the growing intersection between criminal justice and migration control. Through the lens of race, we see how criminal justice and migration enmesh in order to exclude, stop, and excise racialized citizens and non-citizens from societies across the world within, beyond, and along borders. Neatly organized in four parts, the book begins with chapters that present a conceptual analysis of race, borders, and social control, moving to the institutions that make up and shape the criminal justice and migration complex. The remaining chapters are convened around the key sites where criminal justice and migration control intersect: policing, courts, and punishment. Together the volume presents a critical and timely analysis of how race shapes and complicates mobility and how racism is enabled and reanimated when criminal justice and migration control coalesce. Race and the meaning of race in relation to citizenship and belonging are excavated throughout the chapters presented in the book, thereby transforming the way we think about migration.


Author(s):  
John Lie

In the 2010s, the world is seemingly awash with waves of populism and anti-immigration movements. Yet virtually all discussions, owing to the prevailing Eurocentric perspective, bypass East Asia (more accurately, Northeast Asia) and the absence of strong populist or anti-immigration discourses or politics. This chapter presents a comparative and historical account of East Asian exceptionalism in the matter of migration crisis, especially given the West’s embrace of an insider-outsider dichotomy superseding the class- and nation-based divisions of the post–World War II era. The chapter also discusses some nascent articulations of Western-style populist discourses in Northeast Asia, and concludes with the potential for migration crisis in the region.


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