The A.B.C. Mediation

1915 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-152
Author(s):  
James L. Slayden

How to regulate social, political and commercial intercourse between the people and Government of the United States and the peoples and governments of the other republics on the American continent so as to establish and maintain perfect cordiality and mutual confidence and respect, is a problem which has never been satisfactorily solved.In considering this question, which is often to the front and some times discussed with acerbity, certain disagreeable facts must be faced. In the process of understanding it American vanity will be hurt, but that is no reason for avoiding the effort to do so. There is abundant reason for believing that Americans are not popular in Mexico and other Latin-American countries. It is not the purpose of the writer in this brief essay to undertake to show why this is so. Suffice it to say that the people of the United States are viewed with suspicion, and this doubt of them and their purposes has militated against the development of American trade in the southern republics, and is a cause of irritation which ought to be cured. Diplomatic friendship has existed and does exist, but that is a relationship which can always be counted on until an open breach is imminent. Less than thirty days before the outbreak of the greatest war in all history there was an assumed—a diplomatic— cordiality between the monarchs of Russia, England, Germany and Austria. There is no danger of a cataclysm in America such as is deluging Europe with blood; but that unparalleled disaster shows that something more than formal friendships, something far more than diplomatic amenities, is desirable in the intercourse of nations.


2019 ◽  
pp. 86-102
Author(s):  
Susana Sueiro Seoane

This chapter analyzes Cultura Obrera (Labor Culture), published in New York City from 1911 to 1927. Pedro Esteve, the primary editor, gave expression to his ideas in this newspaper and while it represented Spanish firemen and marine workers, it reported on many other workers’ struggles in different parts of the world, for example, supporting and collecting funds for the Mexican revolutionary brothers Flores Magón. This newspaper, as all the anarchist press, was part of a transnational network and had a circulation not only in many parts of the United States but also in Latin American countries, including Argentina and Cuba, as well as on the other side of the Atlantic, in Spain and various European countries.



1907 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 561-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Franklin Willoughby

The problem of devising forms of government for the insular dependencies that came to the United States as a sequel to our war with Spain presented, among others, this very special aspect; that the governments to be created should at one and the same time provide for a maximum of efficiency and carry with them the largest possible grant to the people governed of powers to manage their own affairs. The securing of either one of these considerations alone would have been a simple matter. Had the United States acquired Porto Rico and the Philippines under no moral obligation to extend to them the principles of self-government, the maximum of efficiency could easily have been attained by simply vesting all governmental powers, legislative, executive and judicial, in a few appointed officials, and holding them to a rigid accountability for the manner in which they might perform their duties. Or, the grant of self-government could have been attained by providing for a liberal form of government under which the islands would be left free to work out their own destinies with all of the dangers of misrule and inefficiency that the experience of other Latin-American countries has demonstrated to be present. To accomplish both, meant that means had to be devised for harmonizing these two considerations, which in their nature were more or less antagonistic, and that, in consequence, the problem to be solved was vastly more complicated and delicate than it otherwise would have been.



2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-123
Author(s):  
Gabriel Santos Carneiro

Este artigo tem por objetivo explicitar a natureza assimétrica das relações financeiras e monetárias entre os Estados desde 1945 até o presente. Destaca-se que as decisões tomadas acerca das questão financeiras internacionais foram marcadas pelo unilateralismo dos Estados Unidos, de forma que o poder, tratado em termos de autonomia, se mostrou fator decisivo e explicativo das mudanças financeiras internacionais. Assim, o sistema financeiro internacional é caracterizado por uma discrepante autonomia norte-americana em relação aos demais países, de maneira que esse sistema é moldado fundamentalmente a partir dos interesses dos Estados Unidos, enquanto que aos demais Estados restam as consequências, em larga medida desfavoráveis, das opções escolhidas. O artigo, com o objetivo de casar a teoria com a história, focará em dois eventos específicos: a crise da libra esterlina de 1947 e a crise da dívida dos países latino-americanos da década de 1980, buscando sempre mostrar como que as ações norte-americanas acabam por prejudicar e afetar negativamente os demais Estados que carecem de autonomia para resistirem às influências externas.  This article aims to explain the asymmetric nature of financial and monetary relations between States since 1945 until nowadays. It is highlighted that the decisions made on the international financial matters are characterized by the unilateralism of the United States, in a way that power, seen here as autonomy, has proven to be a decisive and explanatory element of the international financial changes. Thus, the international financial system is characterized by a discrepant North-American autonomy compared to other countries, so that this system is fundamentally forged under the interests of the United States, whereas the consequences from the chosen choices, which are mainly negative, are left for the other countries. The article, intending to match theory with history, will focus in two specific events: the 1947’s sterling crisis and the 1980s external debt crisis of the Latin-American countries, looking forward to demonstrate how the North-American actions impaired and undermined the other countries that lack autonomy to resist external influences.  



1920 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beltran Mathieu

If the neutrality of Chile be considered with calm judgment in the light of historical reality, it offers no occasion for surprise during the period that extended from the breaking out of the European War until the date at which the United States entered it as a belligerent, that is, from August, 1914, until April, 1917. It is in no wise surprising, I say, since the unneutrality of Chile would be inconceivable at that stage of the war, owing to the circumstances that existed at the time in our hemisphere. Beginning with the latter date, the neutrality of Chile, if, indeed, much less onerous, stands out as a more significant fact, because several of the Latin-American countries “theoretically” adopted the attitude of the United States by declaring war upon the German Empire, while another group of these countries confined itself to breaking off diplomatic relations with that Power. Of the five republics that maintained their neutrality until the end, Chile was, without doubt, the one that had to show greater zeal to keep within the law and to retain the confidence that had always been reposed in her by the most powerful nations of the world.I have said that the neutrality of Chile, up to April 6, 1917, does not constitute a strange historical phenomenon, because the entire American continent decided frankly in favor of neutrality from the breaking out of the war. No authority upon international law could condemn this attitude by germane arguments, nor would all the eloquence of sentiment possess weight against it.



1956 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-298
Author(s):  
Thomas Patrick Melady

The people of the United States are very much interested in Latin America because of the deep roots which bind this continent to the Western World. The Latin American continent is one of the largest Christian areas of the world. The events of the past several decades have significantly increased the importance of Latin America to the United States and the Western World. In the unfortunate event of another war, the South American continent may very well become the refuge of Western civilization.



Author(s):  
Esteban Ortiz-Prado ◽  
Estefanía Espín ◽  
Jorge Vásconez ◽  
Nathalia Rodríguez-Burneo ◽  
Nikolaos C. Kyriakidis ◽  
...  

AbstractIn the Americas, The United States of America, Canada, Mexico, and Brazil are the top vaccine producers and the countries with the leading infrastructure for biological manufacturing. The North American countries have the most demanding legislation regulating and controlling these pharmaceuticals’ distribution and production. Some Latin American countries rank in the top 20 of worldwide vaccine manufacturers, with Cuba, Brazil, México and Colombia have a self-sufficient vaccine production of 72.7%, 54,2%; 25%; and 7.7%, respectively, of the national vaccine demand. On the other hand, the rest of Latin American countries cannot satisfy their demand for vaccines, and most of their efforts are associated with the distribution within their health systems rather than in transferring technology.Based on this literature review, the results suggest an increasing growth vaccine demand, not only for their growing populations and previously established demand but also for the recently exerted pressure due to the COVID-19 pandemic.Because the American continent has a marked inequality between the hegemonic producers of vaccines, the exporters, and those that depend heavily on importing these products, this could assert technological dependence in countries with rapid population growth and jeopardize the effectiveness of the two vaccination plans.



2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Bittencourt Gonzalez Mosegui ◽  
Fernando Antõnanzas ◽  
Cid Manso de Mello Vianna ◽  
Paula Rojas

Abstract Background The objective of this paper is to analyze the prices of biological drugs in the treatment of Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), as well as in Spain and the United States of America (US), from the point of market entry of biosimilars. Methods We analyzed products authorized for commercialization in the last 20 years, in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, comparing them to the United States of America (USA) and Spain. For this analysis, we sought the prices and registries of drugs marketed between 1999 and October 1, 2019, in the regulatory agencies’ databases. The pricing between countries was based on purchasing power parity (PPP). Results The US authorized the commercialization of 13 distinct biologicals and four biosimilars in the period. Spain and Brazil marketed 14 biopharmaceuticals for RA, ten original, four biosimilars. Colombia and Mexico have authorized three biosimilars in addition to the ten biological ones. For biological drug prices, the US is the most expensive country. Spain’s price behavior seems intermediate when compared to the three LA countries. Brazil has the highest LA prices, followed by Mexico and Colombia, which has the lowest prices. Spain has the lowest values in PPP, compared to LA countries, while the US has the highest prices. Conclusion The economic effort that LA countries make to access these medicines is much higher than the US and Spain. The use of the PPP ensured a better understanding of the actual access to these inputs in the countries analyzed.



1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Silverman

A survey was conducted on the promotion of 28 prescription drugs in the form of 40 different products marketed in the United States and Latin America by 23 multinational pharmaceutical companies. Striking differences were found in the manner in which the identical drug, marketed by the identical company or its foreign affiliate, was described to physicians in the United States and to physicians in Latin America. In the United States, the listed indications were usually few in number, while the contraindications, warnings, and potential adverse reactions were given in extensive detail. In Latin America, the listed indications were far more numerous, while the hazards were usually minimized, glossed over, or totally ignored. The differences were not simply between the United States on the one hand and all the Latin American countries on the other. There were substantial differences within Latin America, with the same global company telling one story in Mexico, another in Central America, a third in Ecuador and Colombia, and yet another in Brazil. The companies have sought to defend these practices by contending that they are not breaking any Latin American laws. In some countries, however, such promotion is in clear violation of the law. The corporate ethics and social responsibilities concerned here call for examination and action.



2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Antonio Castillo ◽  
Michael A. Powell

Ecuador’s research output relative to other Latin American countries has been low historically; however, over the last 10 years, the government has put various policies in place to help remedy this situation. This is an analysis of Ecuadorian research productivity from 2006 to 2015. The scientific productivity of Ecuador has increased 5.16 times over the past years, exceeding Latin American growth. Over 80% of Ecuadorian publications include international collaboration mainly with the United States and some European and Latin American countries.



Author(s):  
Atul Kohli

This chapter analyzes America’s global assertion in the post–Cold War period. This assertion has followed both economic and military pathways. The imposition of the Washington Consensus on Latin American countries is an example of economic assertion. The United States was moved in this direction to first rescue highly indebted American banks and then to roll back statist models of economic development in the region. Economic benefits to the United States were considerable. Latin American countries experienced a lost decade of growth, followed by some resumption of growth, but were still mainly dependent on commodity exports. Hard militarism in the Middle East has been motivated by goals that were vaguer but included establishing primacy over an oil-rich region. The results have been at best, mixed. The war in Iraq was very costly. A half million Iraqis died. The benefits to the United States are not obvious and Iraq struggles to be a functioning state under American influence.



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