The International Opium Conference

1912 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 865-889 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamilton Wright

This conference, — the latest of the Hague Conferences to which the United States was a party, — was proposed by the United States on September 1, 1909, and convoked by the Netherlands Government on December 1, 1911. It dealt in a judicial manner with the varied and conflicting interests, diplomatic, moral, humanitarian and economic, of those governments represented and with the known similar interests of those not represented. Several of the governments in making pledges for the obliteration of the opium evil did so in the face of an eventual large financial sacrifice, but this was done thoughtfully and generously.The conference determined upon and on January 23rd last signed a convention for the suppression of the obnoxious features of their national and of the international opium, morphine and cocaine traffics, and for the regulation of that part of the production of and trade in the drugs which may be said to be legitimate. To China was confirmed much that she had contended for for a hundred years or more as to the vexatious export of Indian opium to her shores. This act, however, was but a broader recognition of what the British Government had, as between India and China, already yielded to China by virtue of the so-called Ten Year Agreement of 1907, and by the modification of that agreement signed at Peking on the 8th of May, 1911.

1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 774-780
Author(s):  
Arthur K. Kuhn

At the Antwerp meeting of the International Law Association in 1903, a paper was presented by Mr. Justice Phillimore indicating the desirability of having Great Britain participate in the Hague Conferences on Private International Law. At the same meeting, a resolution was adopted on the motion of Mr. Justice Kennedy to the effect that the Association “should take steps respectfully to lay before the British Government the points dealt with in that paper” with a view to its participation in the conferences. Although not referring in terms to America, the resolution was seconded by Dr. Gregory, an American member, and the discussion showed plainly that it was the sense of the meeting that the resolution was intended to apply also to the United States.


1989 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Eric P. A. Keyzer ◽  
Marion Th. Nijhuis

The Hague Evidence Convention – officially the Convention On the Taking of Evidence Abroad in Civil or Commercial Matters – was realized in 1970 by The Hague Conference for Private International Law. The Convention gave rise to several differences of opinion between Europe and the United States. The European countries and the United States, in particular, disagree about the (optional or obligatory) character of the convention-procedures. This article will, among other things, deal with the consequences to be expected in The Netherlands of a recent American Supreme Court judgement on this issue: The Aérospatiale case1. The subject will be treated in five sections: 1.The Hague Evidence Convention; 2.The Netherlands and The Hague Evidence Convention; 3.Consequences of the Aérospatiale-case for The Netherlands; 4.Consequences of the Aérospatiale-case for Dutch parties involved in litigation in the UnitedStates; 5.Aérospatiale and conclusion.


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-177

1. The Kingdom of the Netherlands unconditionally and irrevocably transfers complete sovereignty over Indonesia to the Republic of the United States of Indonesia and thereby recognizes said Republic of the United States of Indonesia as an independent and sovereign State.2. The Republic of the United States of Indonesia accepts said sovereignty on the basis of the provisions of its Constitution which as a draft has been brought to the knowledge of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.3. The transfer of sovereignty shall take place at the latest on 30 December 1949.


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-184

The Republic of the United States of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands inspired by an equal desire to achieve cooperation in the field of their foreign relations,have decided to conclude the following agreement to regulate such cooperation.


1947 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-146

The third meeting of the International Rubber Study Group, comprising representatives of the Governments of France, the Netherlands, Great Britain, and the United States, to discuss common problems arising from the production and consumption of rubber, took place at The Hague from November 25 to 28, 1946.


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-183

The Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Republic of the United States of Indonesia,having resolved on a basis of free will, equality, and complete independence to bring about friendly cooperation with each other and to create the Netherlands Indonesian Union with a view to effectuate this future cooperation,having agreed to lay down in this Statute of the Union the basis of their mutual relationship as independent and sovereign States,thereby holding that nothing in this Statute shall be construed as excluding any form of cooperation not mentioned therein or cooperation in any field not mentioned therein, the need of which may be felt in the future by both partners.


2019 ◽  
pp. 17-64
Author(s):  
Mary Elisabeth Cox

This chapter provides an analysis of the legal and diplomatic documents surrounding the Declaration of London 1909, and the way in which different governments—especially neutral countries such as the Netherlands, the United States, and Sweden—addressed the limits placed on their oceanic trade by the British government and threatened U-boat attack by the Germans. The legacy of the British blockade is also considered, particularly the impacts it may have had on civilian health in Germany, as are the arguments for the morality of siege during wartime. Timing and duration of the blockade were important. However, there were mixed messages at the time, within Germany and elsewhere, about the level of civilian deprivation. The chapter considers how German protests increased during the armistice period when the blockade continued to be enforced. Such efforts, designed to create foreign sympathy, helped to attract international aid to Germany.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


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