Black Employment in the South: The Case of the Federal Government.

ILR Review ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 406
Author(s):  
Richard L. Rowan ◽  
R. Lynn Rittenoure

Subject Gubernatorial polls and the devolution outlook. Significance The All Progressives Congress (APC) won 20 out of the 29 states that held elections for governorships and assemblies on April 11. While the majority of the remaining seven states had been won by the People's Democratic Party (PDP) in by-elections last year, the APC has broadly repeated its victory in the presidential polls. Over the next four years, incoming state administrations will be spending nearly half of the national budget to develop services and infrastructure under a new federal government that has promised greater devolution of powers. Impacts The PDP will have to re-grow its party from a much-reduced regional powerbase in the south-south and south-east of the country. Problematic elections in PDP states may sow the seeds for continued localised instability and security problems. Longer term, more dynamic state governments may spearhead a more localised infrastructure boom not as reliant on central planning. Whether the APC can meet the high bar set by Lagos elsewhere will depend on the quality of its candidates locally.


Author(s):  
R. Douglas Hurt

The agricultural and farm labor history of African Americans extends across more than four centuries, from slavery beginning in the early 17th century to freedom resulting from the Civil War to a small number of independent farm owners by the early 21st century. Prior to the Civil War, slavery primarily served as an agricultural labor system. During the colonial period, only a few free African Americans owned land and farmed independently, but most worked in some fashion as slaves, producing tobacco and rice, tending livestock, and processing food. In 1794, Eli Whitney patented the first efficient cotton gin for processing short-staple cotton. With this invention, much of the South became a major cotton-producing region with a great need for cheap labor, which African Americans unwillingly provided. The Civil War ended slavery as an agricultural labor force, but the landless African Americans remained tied to large-scale farmers and planters as sharecroppers. In this agricultural system, sharecroppers essentially rented the land and paid the landlord with a portion of the crop, usually 50 percent, and the landlord told them how to conduct their farm work. They lived in a netherworld bound by degradation, poverty, and hopelessness. By the turn of the 20th century, more than 707,000 African American farmers remained impoverished by the crop lien and furnishing merchant system and usually farmed no more than fifty acres. They were free but their lives remained constrained by racism, which limited their access to capital for the purchase of land, machinery, livestock, seed, and fertilizer. Beginning with World War I, many African American farmers left the land for better opportunities elsewhere. By the mid-20th century, African American farmers remained impoverished because the agricultural lending programs of the federal government, particularly those of the Department of Agriculture, discriminated against them. African American farmers frequently met rejection when they applied for loans and other government assistance that would enable them to improve their agricultural activities. Most African American farmers, in the North and the South, owned too-little land to produce sufficient crops and livestock to earn a satisfactory living. The 21st century brought little change. Those who remained often held off-the-farm employment to keep their farms viable. Racism continued to color social and economic relationships with whites, credit institutions, and the federal government. Moreover, African American farmers often produced for local and specialty markets, and they chose agriculture as a lifestyle rather than as a commercial, moneymaking endeavor.


1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald R. Matthews ◽  
James W. Prothro

A recent Herblock cartoon in the Washington Post depicts three bare-footed backwoodsmen. The oldest and most tattered of them (labeled “poll tax”) lies wounded, his head propped against a boulder, his rifle abandoned near his side. As the other rifle-bearing rustics-identified as “literacy tests” and “scare tactics”- bend sorrowfully over him the older man says, “I think them Feds got me, boys, but I know you'll carry on.” Perhaps it is premature to anticipate the ratification of the anti-poll tax amendment proposed by the 87th Congress as the newest addition to the federal constitution. No doubt the cartoonist is correct, however, in picturing both “literacy tests” and “scare tactics” as less vulnerable to federal government attack. These presumed barriers to equal participation by Negroes in the politics of the South may “carry on” for some time to come.


Author(s):  
Sebastian N. Page

Page calls for a new assessment of the American Colonization Society by shifting the focus from the often-discussed Early Republic and Antebellum years to the period of the U.S. Civil War. This period is important because it covers the time in which an essentially northern-managed society suffered an abrupt severance from its associates in the South while the federal government enacted emancipation, recognized Liberia as an independent nation, and finally officially endorsed colonization. The society’s efforts during the Civil War reveal a great deal about its leaders’ understanding of their mission as well as the government’s relationship with colonization.


Author(s):  
Stève Sainlaude

Europe’s dependency on North American cotton gave the South leverage. Once hostilities began, the Confederates hoped to inspire a diplomatic choice in their favour through economic pressure since France and Britain felt the effects of the “cotton famine.” The Tuileries cabinet tried to determine the origin of the shortage while assessing the real impact of the crisis on the workforce. Though it initially seemed that the North’s blockade of Southern ports was to blame, proof was uncovered that the cotton supply was being intentionally limited with the Southern leaders’ assent, with some Southern planters burning their cotton rather than see it fall into the hands of Northerners. The effects of the cotton crisis were less dramatic than first expected due to the existence of a cotton surplus in France right before the war, alternate suppliers outside Dixie, and the relatively low number of French workers who were directly dependent on cotton. France also did not lose sight of trade in wheat and other products with the states loyal to the Federal government. This concern for trade in the North explains why France, like the United Kingdom, confounded Southern expectations by not recognizing the Confederacy or otherwise intervening in the conflict.


Author(s):  
Silvan Niedermeier

Chapter five shows the FBI investigations against William F. Sutherland as the first in a series of federal probes launched by representatives of the U.S. Department of Justice to sanction the persistent violation of the civil rights of blacks by law enforcement officials in the South. FBI investigation documented conditions of defendants capturing photos of wounds and evidence of weapons. Regardless of evidence provided against authorities, there was a limited chance of success. In addition, in all the cases covered in chapter five, lawmen were accused of abusing and torturing black suspects in violation of their civil rights. Despite the outcome of the trials, the FBI investigations exposed and brought awareness of police torture. Overall, the FBI investigations brought to light a multitude of other allegations of mistreatment by African American prisoners and challenged the system of police violence in the South.


1989 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia G. Synnott

By the 1950s, two contrasting strategies of white leadership were emerging in the South: “massive resistance” and “moderation.” Both were equally committed in principle to a defense of segregation, but they employed different tactics: The former trumpeted “defiance,” the later counseled “delay.” The strategists of-“massive resistance,” who for a decade largely dominated politics in Alabama and Mississippi, were convinced that any concession, even a tactical one, would be a dangerous break in the dike of segregation. They believed that defiance could deter the federal government from enforcing the university desegregation decisions and Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954; 1955). On the other hand, the strategists of “moderation,” who gained political ascendancy in South Carolina, maneuvered within the law, first to postpone implementation of Brown, and then to determine the minimum amount of desegregation that blacks would accept, which would not at the same time inflame white racists. In effect, they used skillful tactics of delay to “moderate” both white racism and black aspirations. Ultimately, they were more successful in achieving their objectives than the resisters, because they avoided sweeping federal interventions.


Author(s):  
Peter Stein

“Our people”, declared Jefferson Davis on February 22, 1862,“have rallied with unexampled unanimity to the support of the great principles of constitutional government, with firm resolve to perpetuate by arms the rights which they could not peacefully secure”. The President of the newly formed Confederacy was delivering his inaugural address; and, in so doing, was using the language – when he talked about defending ‘rights’ and ‘constitutional government’ – in which Southerners had consistently stated their case over the preceding decade. They had argued, in the main, that the policies to which they objected were not merely harmful; they were unconstitutional. Northern interests had not merely desired the Federal Government to act unfairly; they had desired it to enforce measures it simply had no power to deal with.


Author(s):  
Mashood Ajibola Abdulraheem

ملخص البحث: تهدف هذه المقالة بمنهجها التطبيقي إلى الدراسة  التقابلية لبعض المظاهر الصوتية في اللغة العربية ولغة يوربا، للكشف عن أوجه التشابه والاختلاف بينهما، وبهذه الدراسة يعرف القرّاء والباحثون عبرها مدى التفاعل الإيجابي بين اللغتين العربية واليورباوية، والتي هي إحدى اللغات في الجنوب الغربي من نيجيريا، وهي لغة معروفة ومعترفة بها لدى الحكومة النيجيرية الفدرالية. واللغة العربية كغيرها من اللغات المعروفة وهي منتشرة في العالم بفضل الإسلام وكتابه العزيز، وهي لغة قومية حيّة يتكلمها ما يربو عن ثلاثمائة مليون نسمة حسب إحصائيات رسمية عن سكان العالم العربي، وتعدّ لغة المسلمين عامة لارتباطها بثقافة دينهم الإسلامي. من نتائج هذه الدراسة ما يأتي: أن بعض الأصوات العربية بخصائصها الصوتية ذات الحروف الحلقيّة وغيرها غير موجودة في لغة يوربا، مثل: حرف الثاء، والحاء والخاء، والذال، والزاي، الصاد، الضاد، والطاء، والظاء، والعين، والغين، والقاف، أن في لغة يوربا سبعة صوائت، ثلاثة منها نظير في العربية وهي: الفتحة والكسرة، والضمة، مقابل حروف صوائت غير أنفية في لغة يوربا، وهي: (a   و i وu).   وأخريات ليس لها مثيل في اللغة العربية، وأن مقاطع الكلمات العربية ما بين مقطع واحد إلى سبعة مقاطع، وأما المقاطع  في لغة يوربا فهي أصغر وحدة صوتية يورباوية يمكن نطقها مرة واحدة،.   الكلمات المفتاحية: اللغة العربية-لغة يوربا-الفصائل -لتقابل اللغوي –الصوت.     Abstract This article with its applied method aims to study contrastively some of the vocal features in Arabic and Yorba to uncover the similar and different characteristics of both. With this study, readers and scholars would be exposed to the degree of interaction between the two languages. Yorba is one of the languages in the south western region of Nigeria. It is a renown and recognized language by the Nigerian Federal government. Arabic as, it is known to many, is a language that is spread because of Islam and it holy book. It s a national language to more than 300million speakers according to an official survey on the population of the Arab World. It is regarded generally  as an Islamic language due to its close bound with Islam. Among the conclusions of this study: some of the Arabic  sounds have glottal letters and others do not exist in Yorba, examples are such as: Tha, Ha, Zal, Kha, Zay, Sad, Dhad, Tho, Zho, ‘Ain, Ghayn, Qaf. In Yorba there are seven vowels, three of which are similar in Arabic: fathah, kasrah and dhammah, in contrast with vowel non-nasalized sounds in Yorba such as: a, i and u. The rest have no similar sounds in Arabic. Length of syllable in Arabic is from one to seven but in Yorba they are the smallest vocal units that are pronounceable once. Keywords: Arabic, Yorba, Categories, language contrastive, sounds.      Abstrak   Artikel ini  dengan menggunakan pendekatan gunaan bertujuan untuk mengkaji secara konstruktif sebahagian daripada ciri-ciri suara dalam Bahasa Arab dan Yorba untuk menyingkap persamaan dan perbezaan di antara kedua-dua bahasa.  Yorba ialah salah satu bahasa di bahagian tenggara Nigeria yang diiktiraf oleh Kerajaan Federal Nigeria. Bahasa Arab sperti yang dimaklumi umum ialah sebuah bahasa yang tersebar disebabkan oleh Islam dan juga pangajaran Al-Quran. Ia merupakan bahasa rasmi kepada lebih 300 juta penutur mengikut satu tinjauan penduduk dunia Arab. Ia dianggap secara umum sebagai sebuah bahasa Islam kerana hubungan rapatnya dengan Islam. Di antara kesimpulan kajian ini ialah: sebahagian bunyi mempunyai huruf-huruf glottal namun bunyi yang sama tidak didapati dalam Yorba. Contoh-contohnya ialah seperti: kha, Ha, Zal, Kha, Sad, Dhad, Tho, Zho, ‘Ain, Ghayn, Qaf. Dalam Yorba terdapat tujuh vowel, tiga daripadanya terdapat dalam Bahasa Arab: baris atas, bawah dan depan, berbeza dengan hruf vowel yang tidak sengau dalam Yorba seperti: a, i dan u. Yang lain-lainnya tidak mempunyai persamaan dengan Yorba. Panjang sesuatu suku kata ialah daripada satu ke 7 namun dalam Yorba semua bunyi tersebut merupakan unit vocal terkecil yang boleh dibunyikan sekali gus. Kata kunci: Bahasa Arab, Yorba, Kategori-kategori, bahasa konstrastif, bunyi-bunyi.


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