Positivism and Revolution in Brazil's First Republic: The 1904 Revolt

1977 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert G. Nachman
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Constitutional Government ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Military School

On November 14, 1904, the eve of the fifteenth anniversary of the founding of the Brazilian Republic, General Silvestre Travassos, leading a corps of several hundred cadets from Rio de Janeiro's military school, fell fatally wounded before the forces loyal to the constitutional government he had pledged to overthrow. His loss came only hours after the uprising had begun, but in those early moments the revolt had already foundered. This brief armed movement climaxed nearly a year of unrest, a month of agitation and almost a week of running clashes between working-class groups and local government forces. Although the revolt continued sporadically for two days more, the death of its leader in the early hours of fighting signalled its failure.

Social Class and Code Elaboration in Oral Communication

1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 421-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Millicent E. Poole ◽  
T. W. Field
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Oral Communication ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Parental Occupation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Linguistic Coding

The Bernstein thesis of elaborated and restricted coding orientation in oral communication was explored at an Australian tertiary institute. A working-class/middle-class dichotomy was established on the basis of parental occupation and education, and differences in overall coding orientation were found to be associated with social class. This study differed from others in the area in that the social class groups were contrasted in the totality of their coding orientation on the elaborated/restricted continuum, rather than on discrete indices of linguistic coding.

Industry, Family, and Class: The Working-Class Community in Barreiro

1994 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-212
Author(s):  
Ana Nunes de Almeida
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Promotion Strategy ◽  
Scientific Debate ◽  
Metal Workers ◽  
Industrial Town ◽  
No Man's Land ◽  
Family Strategies

Frequently placed on the edges of scientific debate and analyzed in relation to problems or theoretical constructs specific to other social groups, the portrait of the “working-class family” is too often the product of logical deductions and a sort of no-man's land. The research project described by the present article concerns factories, working-class groups, and family strategies in Barreiro, a Portuguese industrial town near Lisbon, the Portuguese capital. Special attention is given to reconstructing the industrial experience at a regional level and to the study of workers in the cork and heavy metallurgical industries of Barreiro. The results suggest the internal diversity of the working-class world and two different kinds of linkeage between family and workplace life—the survival strategy of cork workers in the 1920s, and the promotion strategy of the metal workers in the 1950s.

Gender/Social Class, Family Environments and Adolescents' Aspirations

1987 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Marjoribanks
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Educational Aspirations ◽  
Occupational Aspirations ◽  
Female Adolescents ◽  
Direct Impact ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Linear Interaction ◽  
Class Differences ◽  
Curvilinear Relationships

This study examined relationships between family environments and the aspirations of 516 South Australian adolescents from six gender/social-class groups. Family environments were assessed initially when the adolescents were 11 years old when measures were obtained of parents' aspirations for their children and of their instrumental and affective orientations to learning. When the adolescents were 16 years old, their perceptions of their parents' support for learning and of their own aspirations were assessed. Regression surfaces were constructed from models that included terms to account for possible linear, interaction and curvilinear relationships. The findings suggested the propositions that parents' aspirations have a direct impact (a) on female adolescents' educational aspirations and (b) on the educational and occupational aspirations of male working-class adolescents, after considering the effect on aspirations of the adolescents' perceptions of parents' support. The results also indicated gender/social-class differences in the relationships between family environments and adolescents' aspirations.

Risk on All Sides, Eyes Wide Open

2019 ◽  
pp. 149-186
Author(s):  
Paul Apostolidis
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Occupational Safety ◽  
Personal Responsibility ◽  
Occupational Safety And Health ◽  
The Self ◽  
Day Laborers ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Physical Vulnerability ◽  
Safety And Health

The theme of facing “risk on all sides” imbues day laborers’ reflections about occupational safety and health (OSH) hazards. This theme expresses a contradictory structure of body-time pairing workers’ incessant physical vulnerability with suddenly arising dangers and traumatic incidents. Workers vow to keep “eyes wide open,” striving to protect themselves through temporalized practices of personal responsibility, although employment power-relations induce workers to violate their own principles. Drastically erratic employment and deportation threats make day laborers’ OSH predicament exceptional, even among nonwhite working-class groups. Yet the themes also reflect the pervasive proliferation of OSH risks in “fissured workplaces,” as conceptualized by David Weil, under post-Fordism and financialized capitalism. Day laborers further help generate the morally stigmatizing discourses of “slow death,” theorized by Berlant, that produce the self-undermining subjectivities needed by this order. These theme-theory resonances nonetheless invite workers at large to oppose the transmutation of capital risk into workers’ bodily risk.

scholarly journals The Digital Activism Gap: How Class and Costs Shape Online Collective Action

2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jen Schradie
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social Movement Organizations ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Digital Activism ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Online Participation ◽  
Digital Engagement

Abstract What is the relationship between social class and online participation in social movements? Scholars suggest that low costs to digital activism broaden participation and challenge conventional collective action theories, but given the digital divide, little is known about cost variation across social movement organizations from different social classes. A focus on high levels of digital engagement and extraordinary events leaves scant information about the effect of social class on digital mobilization patterns and everyday practices within and across organizations. This study takes a field-level approach to incorporate all groups involved in one statewide political issue, thereby including organizations with different social class compositions, from Tea Parties to labor unions. Data collection spans online and off-line digital activism practices. With an index to measure digital engagement from an original data set of over 90,000 online posts, findings show deep digital activism inequalities between working-class and middle/upper-class groups. In-depth interviews and ethnographic observations reveal that the mechanisms of this digital activism gap are organizational resources, along with individual disparities in access, skills, empowerment and time. These factors create high costs of online participation for working-class groups. Rather than reduced costs equalizing online participation, substantial costs contribute to digital activism inequality.

The Anger and Energy of Gary Mitchell

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Connal Parr
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Housing Estate ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
White Working Class

Born and brought up on the overwhelmingly Protestant Rathcoole housing estate, Gary Mitchell explored the fragmentation of Ulster Loyalism during the era of the peace process in his key plays and continues to mine the disillusionment and travails of the Protestant working class across Northern Ireland. The Rathcoole focus highlights the dying embers of the Labour movement which carried on in Newtownabbey while the rest of the Northern Ireland Labour Party had faded away, a spirit embodied by the independent councillor Mark Langhammer. Though Mitchell was forced to leave Rathcoole in 2005, he continues to grapple with the strains of working-class Protestant communities in the form of policing tensions, identity questions, and a growing underclass (or ‘precariat’) which considers itself—like other white working-class groups—‘left behind’ by politicians and deindustrialization.

Sir Francis Forbes and the Earliest Australian Public Law Cases

2004 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-242
Author(s):  
Ian Holloway
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
European Society ◽  
New South ◽  
New South Wales ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Constitutional Government ◽  
South Wales ◽  
The Government ◽  
Formal Establishment

There is, among many students of Australian law, a tendency to regard the establishment of constitutional government in Australia in positivistic terms: as a result of the passage of the New South Wales Act in 1823, or of the Australian Courts Act in 1828, or of the Australian Constitution Acts of 1842 and 1850, or even of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act in 1900. This is understandable, for, as Sir Victor Windeyer once put it, there was in the foundation of European society on these islands no element whatever of a social contract. Rather, the move to populate the Australian territories was a consequence entirely of a prospectively looking determination made by the government in London. And, as Windeyer went on to note, the formal establishment of local government was effected by ceremonies that were by their very essence positivistic in nature. On 26 January 1788, there was first a formal ceremony in which the Union flag was raised and a salute fired. Then, on 7 February, the whole population of the colony was assembled and the royal letters patent were read, which formally instructed Captain Phillip to go about the duty of creating a penal establishment.

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