Industry, Family, and Class: The Working-Class Community in Barreiro

1994 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-212
Author(s):  
Ana Nunes de Almeida
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Promotion Strategy ◽  
Scientific Debate ◽  
Metal Workers ◽  
Industrial Town ◽  
No Man's Land ◽  
Family Strategies

Frequently placed on the edges of scientific debate and analyzed in relation to problems or theoretical constructs specific to other social groups, the portrait of the “working-class family” is too often the product of logical deductions and a sort of no-man's land. The research project described by the present article concerns factories, working-class groups, and family strategies in Barreiro, a Portuguese industrial town near Lisbon, the Portuguese capital. Special attention is given to reconstructing the industrial experience at a regional level and to the study of workers in the cork and heavy metallurgical industries of Barreiro. The results suggest the internal diversity of the working-class world and two different kinds of linkeage between family and workplace life—the survival strategy of cork workers in the 1920s, and the promotion strategy of the metal workers in the 1950s.

Social Class and Code Elaboration in Oral Communication

1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 421-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Millicent E. Poole ◽  
T. W. Field
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Oral Communication ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Parental Occupation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Linguistic Coding

The Bernstein thesis of elaborated and restricted coding orientation in oral communication was explored at an Australian tertiary institute. A working-class/middle-class dichotomy was established on the basis of parental occupation and education, and differences in overall coding orientation were found to be associated with social class. This study differed from others in the area in that the social class groups were contrasted in the totality of their coding orientation on the elaborated/restricted continuum, rather than on discrete indices of linguistic coding.

Is Retirement a Crisis for Men? Class and Adjustment to Retirement

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilkka Pietilä ◽  
Toni Calasanti ◽  
Hanna Ojala ◽  
Neal King
Keyword(s):  
Paid Work ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Popular Discourse ◽  
Metal Workers ◽  
Retirement Expectations ◽  
Crisis Discourse ◽  
Crisis Of Masculinity ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Retirement Crisis

Because paid work is taken to be central to manhood, scholarly and popular discourse have characterized retirement as presenting a “crisis of masculinity.” However, such a crisis is not borne out by research, perhaps because scholars have not considered how class might shape masculinities and thus expectations and experiences of retirement. Using data obtained from interviews with Finnish metal workers and engineers who are either approaching retirement or recently retired, we ask whether (1) this crisis discourse is reflected in their retirement expectations, (2) it matches their actual experiences of retirement, and (3) retirement disrupts the masculinities of some class groups more than others. We find evidence of this retirement crisis discourse in our respondents’ views of retirement, but not in their actual experiences, belying the homogeneity of masculinity implied by it. Class shapes both the perceived content of crises and the actual retirement experiences.

Gender/Social Class, Family Environments and Adolescents' Aspirations

1987 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Marjoribanks
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Educational Aspirations ◽  
Occupational Aspirations ◽  
Female Adolescents ◽  
Direct Impact ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Linear Interaction ◽  
Class Differences ◽  
Curvilinear Relationships

This study examined relationships between family environments and the aspirations of 516 South Australian adolescents from six gender/social-class groups. Family environments were assessed initially when the adolescents were 11 years old when measures were obtained of parents' aspirations for their children and of their instrumental and affective orientations to learning. When the adolescents were 16 years old, their perceptions of their parents' support for learning and of their own aspirations were assessed. Regression surfaces were constructed from models that included terms to account for possible linear, interaction and curvilinear relationships. The findings suggested the propositions that parents' aspirations have a direct impact (a) on female adolescents' educational aspirations and (b) on the educational and occupational aspirations of male working-class adolescents, after considering the effect on aspirations of the adolescents' perceptions of parents' support. The results also indicated gender/social-class differences in the relationships between family environments and adolescents' aspirations.

On the uses and abuses of Gramsci’s hegemony

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-182
Author(s):  
Emanuele Saccarelli
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Class I ◽  
Unique Position ◽  
Political Position

As formulated in classical Marxism, hegemony referred to the unique position of the working class as the only independent revolutionary force under capitalism, as well as its political and ideological relations leading other social groups. Today hegemony typically refers instead to a constellation of arguments that regard a revolutionary orientation as hopeless and deny the unique political position of the working class. I examine the theoretical and political significance of this change by reflecting on Gramsci’s elaboration of hegemony and its dubious appropriation by post-Marxism, broadly understood.

Working-Class Cast

2012 ◽  
Vol 644 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erika L. Paulson ◽  
Thomas C. O’Guinn
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
General Social Survey ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Brand Advertising ◽  
Quantitative Results ◽  
Secondary Data Sources

The authors investigate brand advertising as an instrument of class politics, used to shape perceptions of and beliefs about social groups, specifically the working class. These images are consistent with the prescriptions of capitalist realism. The authors content-analyze representations of the working class drawn from a random sample of ads from 1950 to 2010. Quantitative results are compared to a variety of secondary data sources, including the General Social Survey and public opinion polling. The authors find that representations of the working class do not closely follow social, political, or economic changes. If anything, increasingly nostalgic images contradict the disappearance of blue-collar jobs. The authors examine the ads in more depth to explain why the content does not align with objective reality, identifying a variety of tableaus commonly used in representations of the working class that are consistent with capitalist realism and myths of the American class structure.

Risk on All Sides, Eyes Wide Open

2019 ◽  
pp. 149-186
Author(s):  
Paul Apostolidis
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Occupational Safety ◽  
Personal Responsibility ◽  
Occupational Safety And Health ◽  
The Self ◽  
Day Laborers ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Physical Vulnerability ◽  
Safety And Health

The theme of facing “risk on all sides” imbues day laborers’ reflections about occupational safety and health (OSH) hazards. This theme expresses a contradictory structure of body-time pairing workers’ incessant physical vulnerability with suddenly arising dangers and traumatic incidents. Workers vow to keep “eyes wide open,” striving to protect themselves through temporalized practices of personal responsibility, although employment power-relations induce workers to violate their own principles. Drastically erratic employment and deportation threats make day laborers’ OSH predicament exceptional, even among nonwhite working-class groups. Yet the themes also reflect the pervasive proliferation of OSH risks in “fissured workplaces,” as conceptualized by David Weil, under post-Fordism and financialized capitalism. Day laborers further help generate the morally stigmatizing discourses of “slow death,” theorized by Berlant, that produce the self-undermining subjectivities needed by this order. These theme-theory resonances nonetheless invite workers at large to oppose the transmutation of capital risk into workers’ bodily risk.

The Possession of High Status Strengthens the Status Motive

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (12) ◽  
pp. 1712-1723
Author(s):  
Cameron Anderson ◽  
John Angus D. Hildreth ◽  
Daron L. Sharps
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Self Efficacy ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
High Status ◽  
Total N ◽  
The Status ◽  
Over Time

The current research tested whether the possession of high status, compared with the possession of low status, makes individuals desire having high status even more. Five studies (total N = 6,426), four of which were preregistered, supported this hypothesis. Individuals with higher status in their social groups or who were randomly assigned to a high-status condition were more motivated to have high status than were individuals with low status. Furthermore, upper-class individuals had a stronger status motive than working-class individuals, in part, due to their high status. High-status individuals had a stronger status motive, in part, because they were more confident in their ability to achieve (or retain) high status, but not because of other possible mechanisms (e.g., task self-efficacy). These findings provide a possible explanation for why status hierarchies are so stable and why inequality rises in social collectives over time.

Positivism and Revolution in Brazil's First Republic: The 1904 Revolt

1977 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert G. Nachman
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Class Groups ◽  
Constitutional Government ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Military School

On November 14, 1904, the eve of the fifteenth anniversary of the founding of the Brazilian Republic, General Silvestre Travassos, leading a corps of several hundred cadets from Rio de Janeiro's military school, fell fatally wounded before the forces loyal to the constitutional government he had pledged to overthrow. His loss came only hours after the uprising had begun, but in those early moments the revolt had already foundered. This brief armed movement climaxed nearly a year of unrest, a month of agitation and almost a week of running clashes between working-class groups and local government forces. Although the revolt continued sporadically for two days more, the death of its leader in the early hours of fighting signalled its failure.

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