An Enduring Political Rivalry:

Rival Visions ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 298-314
Author(s):  
CHARLES HOBSON
Keyword(s):  
Political Rivalry

Brytyjska Izba Lordów na przełomie XIX i XX wieku... Ewolucja pozycji w systemie politycznym

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Andrzej Jaeschke
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Position ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Electoral Reforms

The paper concerns the evolution of the political position of the House of Lords until the end of the 19thcentury. The author presents the time of stabilisation of the relations of the two parliamentary chambers andidentifies its causes. He also discusses the increasing disruption of relations between the two chambers ofthe British Parliament following from electoral reforms and, consequently, the decomposition of the hithertounified conservative political environment and the emergence of liberal forces. This resulted in increasinglystrong ideological and political rivalry between the conservative House of Lords and the largely liberal Houseof Commons.

scholarly journals MOSCOW «ODYSSEY» OF A SERBIAN COLONEL. RUSSIAN-SERBIAN MILITARY-ECONOMIC COOPERATION ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-99
Author(s):  
Ya.V. Vishnjakov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
Danube Region ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
First World

The article is devoted to the little-studied issue of the peculiarities of Russian-Serbian economic ties. The author argues that the Russian-Austrian relations in the Balkan region were not only in the nature of political rivalry, but were associated with the general economic interests of Russia in the Danube region.

scholarly journals Narracje i strategie argumentacyjne w dyskursie IV RP jako narzędzia wyznaczania granic wspólnot w polskim społeczeństwie

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-165
Author(s):  
Marcin Kotras
Keyword(s):  
Social Space ◽  
Round Table ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
The Masses

This article concerns discourse in the 4th Republic and its role in creating the divisions and cleavages of Polish society. The author analyzes the argumentation strategies used by the press supporting the government and its so-called “good change” (the weeklies Sieci and Uważam Rze, which were published in the years 2012–2017). He concentrates on selected rhetorical practices such as labeling, categorization, and discrimination, and determines that the center of the argumentation strategy of the weeklies analyzed is a discursively constructed division between the “elites” and the “masses” ordinary people”). This type of strategy allows the building of a Me-Them dichotomy, which serves not only to strengthen divisions but also to de-legitimize the social space of the 3rd Republic and give legitimacy to the “good change” of the 4th Republic. These activities are exemplified by the manner in which the writers in opinion-forming weeklies describe and explain selected topics and events, such as the Round Table Talks or the migration crisis. The author finds that in the argumentation strategies analyzed, the “nation” is understood as an exclusive community defined from an essentialist perspective. He relates these and other findings to the problem of the new, simplified form of political rivalry and contemporary election campaigns.

Statistical Methods for Conducting the Ontology and Classifications of Fake News on Social Media

2021 ◽  
pp. 632-651
Author(s):  
Joshua Ojo Nehinbe
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Cyber Security ◽  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Research Community ◽  
Contemporary Society ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Religious Issues ◽  
Classical Studies ◽  
Political Rivalry

Fake news and its impacts are serious threats to social media in recent time. Studies on the ontology of these problems reveal that serious cybercrimes such as character assassination, misinformation, and blackmailing that some people intentionally perpetrate through social networks significantly correlate with fake news. Consequently, some classical studies on social anthropology have profiled the problems and motives of perpetrators of fake news on political, rivalry, and religious issues in contemporary society. However, this classification is restrictive and statistically defective in dealing with cyber security, forensic problems, and investigation of social dynamics on social media. This chapter exhaustively discusses the above issues and identifies solutions to challenges confronting research community in the above domain. Thematic analysis of responses of certain respondents reveal three new classifications of fake news that people propagate on social media on the basis of mode of propagation, motives of perpetrators, and impacts on victims.

scholarly journals The Political Theory of Parties and Partisanship: Catching Up

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
Russell Muirhead ◽  
Nancy L. Rosenblum
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Public Reason ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
The Past ◽  
Catching Up ◽  
Political Rivalry

Despite their centrality to modern democracy, until recently political parties were relegated to the margins of normative democratic theory, taking a back seat to social movements, civil society associations, deliberative experiments, spaces for local participatory government, and direct popular participation. Yet, in the past 15 years, a burgeoning literature has emerged in democratic theory focused directly on parties and partisanship; that is our focus in this review. We locate three main normative defenses of parties: one centered in the special role parties can play in political justification as agents of public reason, a second that looks to the way parties contribute to deliberation, and a third that focuses on the partisan commitment to regulated political rivalry and peaceful rotation in office. In this last connection, we survey work on the constitutional status of parties and reasons for banning parties. We then consider the relation of partisanship to citizenship, and in a fourth section we turn to the ethics of partisanship. Parties and partisanship are interwoven but separable: If partisans are necessary to realize the value of parties, the reverse holds as well, and parties are necessary to realize the value of partisanship.

Defining–Redefining Security

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Buzan ◽  
Lene Hansen
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Military Technology ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Strategic Studies

International security studies (ISS) has significantly evolved from its founding core of “golden age” strategic studies. From the onset of the Cold War in the late 1940s through to the 1970s, strategic studies virtually was ISS, and remains a very large part of it. The fact that it continues to stand as the “mainstream” attacked by widening/deepening approaches further speaks to its status as a “core.” This core consists of those literatures whose principal concern is external military threats to the state, and the whole agenda of the use of force which arises from that. This core was originally focused on nuclear weapons and the military-political rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union, but has since adapted its focus to changes in the salience and nature of military threats caused by the end of the Cold War and 9/11. It includes literatures on deterrence, arms racing, arms control and disarmament, grand strategy, wars (and “new wars”), the use of force, nuclear proliferation, military technology, and terrorism. Debates within ISS are structured, either implicitly or explicitly, by five questions: (1) which referent object to adopt, (2) whether to understand security as internally or externally driven, (3) whether to limit it to the military sector or to expand it, (4) what fundamental thinking about (international) politics to adopt, and (5) which epistemology and methodology to choose.

Appius Claudius Caecus and the Via Appia

1980 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Macbain
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Principal Lines

The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the principal lines of approach which have been taken to the career of Appius Claudius Caecus in the hope of formulating a view of the censor which is neither over-dramatized nor, on the other hand, so muted as to deny recognition to those aspects of his political behaviou which so greatly exercised his contemporaries. In so doing, I will argue that previous studies of Appius' career have sought in the wrong places for an explanation of the political rivalry between him and his opponents and I will offer an interpretation of his censorial acts—and of one of them in particular—which, I believe, may account for this rivalry.

The Politics of Socialisation: Recruitment and Training for Journalism

1981 ◽  
Vol 29 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 307-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Boyd-Barrett
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Structure ◽  
Graduate Training ◽  
Formal Training ◽  
National Council ◽  
Industrial Training ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Range Of Functions ◽  
Graduate Trainees ◽  
Financial Base ◽  
And Training

The paper demonstrates that the provision of formal training in journalism, as possibly in any other industry or occupation, is not solely determined by a specific range of ‘necessary’ skills. On the contrary, politico-cultural factors may be equally, if not more, important. The paper finds the ‘professionalisation’ hypothesis insufficient, however, as an explanation for the emergence of a national system of compulsory training. It notes that the character of training has been greatly influenced by the requirements of a specific sector of the industry, on which, significantly, the National Council for the Training of Journalists (NCTJ) has been heavily dependent for financial support and legitimacy. Ambiguity in this sector's approach to graduate trainees created a vacuum which was one factor that encouraged the development of university and polytechnic based journalism and communications courses. More fundamentally, potential competition for authority in training has developed from the establishment of an Industrial Training Board for Printing and Publishing (PPITB) with statutory responsibility for training in journalism. These developments inspired survival/adaptation responses from the NCTJ, including the formulation of a broader structural and financial base, a more positive attitude towards graduate training, a wider range of functions and a reappraisal of alliances. These in turn have had consequences for training content. Analyses of training in terms of ‘socialisation’ or ‘professionalisation’ which fail to take into account such aspects of industrial structure and political rivalry may be misleading.

Russian Endeavors for the Polish Crown in the Seventeenth Century

Slavic Review ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Wójcik
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Time Of Troubles ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
Grand Duchy

Polish-Russian relations have from their very beginning been characterized by intense political rivalry and military confrontation. This is no surprise, since after the Polish-Lithuanian union (1386, 1569), Poland was drawn into the conflict between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the great Muscovite principality over hegemony in Eastern Europe. Struggles between Lithuania and Muscovy were thus transformed into wars between the Russian state and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. During the reigns of Polish kings Stefan Batory (1576–86), Zygmunt III (1587–1632), and Wladyslaw IV (1632–48), the commonwealth gained a military advantage over its eastern neighbor. This was especially evident during the Time of Troubles (smutnoe vremia), when the Polish army occupied Moscow (1610–12) and when Wladyslaw IV defeated the Russians in the War of Smolensk (1632–34).

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