Religious Minorities and the Anxieties of an Islamic Identity

2018 ◽  
pp. 164-194
Author(s):  
Muhammad Qasim Zaman
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Minority Communities ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
Beliefs And Practices ◽  
Sectarian Violence ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
Islamic Identity ◽  
Muslim Minorities

This chapter focuses on two Muslim minorities, the Ahmadis and the Shi`a, and some of the contestations around their position in the state. How these communities have fared in Pakistan is part of the story here, with the Ahmadis being declared a non-Muslim minority in 1974 and significant Shi`i-Sunni sectarian violence in the country since the 1980s. The principal concern of the chapter is, however, to explore the anxieties that the existence and activities of these minority communities have generated among the `ulama and the Islamists. In case of the Ahmadis, the anxieties in question have had to do not merely with the peculiarities of Ahmadi beliefs about the Prophet Muhammad, but with Islamic modernism itself. The anxieties generated by the Shi`a have a different locus, and also go beyond Sunni discomfort with particular Shi`i beliefs and practices. Much more than the Ahmadis, the Shi`a have raised difficult questions about what, if any, kind of Islamic law can be given public force in Pakistan, laying bare in the process nagging uncertainties about whether Pakistan can ever fully claim to be an Islamic state.

scholarly journals Muslim Personal Laws and the Accommodation of Minorities: The Need to Better Balance Individual Rights and Group Autonomy in Singapore

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (7) ◽  
pp. 1079-1095
Author(s):  
Noor Aisha Abdul Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Minority Community ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
The Right ◽  
Personal Law ◽  
Muslim Minorities ◽  
Direct Incorporation

AbstractThe accommodation of religious personal law systems is an issue that has arisen in many countries with significant Muslim minorities. The types of accommodations can range from direct incorporation into the state legal system to mere recognition of religious tribunals as private organs. Different forms of accommodation raise different types of legal, social, and political issues. Focusing on the case of Singapore, I examine one form of accommodation which entails the direct incorporation of this law regulating marriage, divorce, and inheritance for Muslims into the state system. Administered by the Administration of the Muslim Law Act, 1966, the Muslim law binds Muslims unless they abjure Islam. The resulting pluralistic legal system is deemed necessary to realize the aspirations of and give respect to the Muslim minority community, the majority of whom are constitutionally acknowledged as indigenous to the country. This Article examines the ramifications of this arrangement on the rights and well-being of members of this community in the context of change. It argues that, while giving autonomy to the community to determine its personal law and advancing group accommodation, the arrangement denies individuals the right to their choice of law, a problem exacerbated by traditionalism and the lack of democratic process in this domain. Consequently, the Muslim law pales in comparison to the civil law for non-Muslims. The rise of religious resurgence since the 1970s has but compounded the problem. How the system can accommodate the Muslim personal law without compromising the rights of individual Muslims is also discussed.

The resistible rise of Islamophobia

2007 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Poynting ◽  
Victoria Mason
Keyword(s):  
Causal Relationship ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Minority Communities ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
Racial Hatred ◽  
Immigration And Settlement

This article compares the rise of anti-Muslim racism in Britain and Australia, from 1989 to 2001, as a foundation for assessing the extent to which the upsurge of Islamophobia after 11 September was a development of existing patterns of racism in these two countries. The respective histories of immigration and settlement by Muslim populations are outlined, along with the relevant immigration and ‘ethnic affairs’ policies and the resulting demographics. The article traces the ideologies of xenophobia that developed in Britain and Australia over this period. It records a transition from anti-Asian and anti-Arab racism to anti-Muslim racism, reflected in and responding to changes in the identities and cultural politics of the minority communities. It outlines instances of the racial and ethnic targeting by the state of the ethnic and religious minorities concerned, and postulates a causal relationship between this and the shifting patterns of acts of racial hatred, vilification and discrimination.

scholarly journals DEBATE OF ISLAM AND COUNTRIES IN THE CONSTITUANTE BOARD, 1956-1959

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 155-174
Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Basic Group ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.

Islamic Law and Society in Southeast Asia

2016 ◽  
pp. 588-608
Author(s):  
Melissa Crouch
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Comparative Law ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The State ◽  
Law And Society ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
Muslim Minorities

This article explores the ways Islam is recognized by the state in Southeast Asia, along with the scholarly debates that have arisen in response to these Islam-state configurations. It begins with an overview of the work of Professor M. B. Hooker, a pioneer of the field of comparative law in Southeast Asia, especially his study of Islamic law. It then considers how scholars have addressed the regulation and institutionalization of Islam in Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei, and Singapore as well as the tensions and armed conflict between Muslim minorities and the state in Thailand and the Philippines, while largely overlooking Muslim minorities of Myanmar. Finally, it discusses the ongoing challenge of advocating for the importance of the study and contribution of Islamic law in Southeast Asia to the broader field of Islamic legal studies.

KEBIJAKAN PENGAMPUNAN PAJAK DI INDONESIA: STUDI ANALISIS MASLAHAH MURSALAH

JURISDICTIE ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Heru Purwono
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Tax Law ◽  
Tax Administration ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Legal Basis ◽  
Tax System ◽  
Tax Amnesty ◽  
Islamic View

The State of Indonesia is a State of Law, so in the case of the policy being made it must be based on the law. Fulfillment of the State’s treasury not using the concept of Islamic State such as zakat, but using taxes, whose legal basis is not derived from the Quran or Sunnah but based on the ijtihad scholars related tax law is based on the Qur’an and Sunnah. This journal study aims to find out how the policy of tax amnesty in indeneia is contrary to the constitution or not, and this writing will also describe how the Islamic view of tax forgiveness. This type of research is normative juridical and research approach is approach concept and approach of law. The results of this study indicate that tax forgiveness in Indonesia is not only for tax runners, but also for tax officials who are negligent in carrying out duties in taxes, tax amnesty is very useful to improve the tax system in Indonesia, tax administration and when viewed from the concept of Mashlahah (Islamic law), the forgiveness of taxes including Mashlahah Dharuriyah which can be useful for Hifzh al-Nafs (keeping soul), and Hifzh al-Mal (guarding the treasures) of all Indonesian people.<br />Negara Indonesia adalah Negara Hukum, maka dalam hal kebijakan yang dibuat harus berdasar pada hukum. Pemenuhan uang kas Negara bukan menggunakan konsep Negara Islam seperti zakat, tetapi menggunakan pajak, yang dasar hukumnya bukan berasal dari Quran atau Sunnah akan tetapi berdasarkan ijtihad para ulama terkait hukum pajak tersebut yang didasarkan pada Qur’an dan Sunnah. Penelitian jurnal ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana kebijakan pengampunan pajak di indonesia apakah bertentangan dengan konstitusi atau tidak, dan penulisan ini juga akan mengurai bagaimana pandangan Islam terhadap pengampunan pajak. Jenis penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif dan pendekatan penelitiannya adalah pendekatan konsep (satute approach) dan pendekatan undang-undang (statute approach). Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pengampunan pajak di Indonesia bukan hanya untuk para pelari pajak saja, akan tetapi juga untuk petugas pajak yang lalai dalam menjalankan tugas dalam menarik pajak, amnesty pajak sangat bermanfaat untuk memperbaiki system perpajakan di Indonesia, administrasi perpajakan dan jika dilihat dari konsep Mashlahah (hukum Islam), pengampunan pajak termasuk Mashlahah Dharuriyah yang dapat berguna untuk Hifzh al-Nafs (menjaga jiwa), dan Hifzh al-Mal (menjaga harta) seluruh rakyat Indonesia.

scholarly journals Tensions and Transitions in the Muslim World

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-105
Author(s):  
Samer Abboud
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Conceptual Development ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Legal Reforms ◽  
Islamic Reform ◽  
Participatory Politics ◽  
Cultural Order ◽  
The One

Safi’s text interrogates the potential of Islamic reform movements to articulatea democratic and pluralistic politics throughout the Middle East and thebroader Islamic world. He begins by arguing that these reform movementsexert the greatest influence in determining the direction of sociopoliticalreforms in the Middle East, and, as a result, constitute a core movement fromwhich to understand and interpret the dynamics of the region’s cultural andsociopolitical reality. Furthermore, the author argues that in the contemporaryMiddle Eastern intellectual climate, Islamic reformists represent a synthesisbetween the opposing programs of moralist-Islamists on the one hand,and nationalist-secularists on the other. This synthesis constitutes the mostviable and realistic program for genuine reform and for developing a pluralisticsociety and participatory politics. In support of this thesis, Safi dividesthe text into nine chapters constituting four interrelated parts: “Democratizationand the Islamic State,” “Visions of Reform,” “Islamic Law and HumanRights,” and “Islam in a Global Cultural Order.”The first part poses the question of whether democracy and pluralism canflourish in a society in which Islamic law commands the majority’s allegiance.His answer is cautiously affirmative, as it depends on the rejuvenationof cultural and legal reforms grounded in a historical Muslim experience that offers the tools to transcend current political and cultural institutions.As such, both the secular state and Islamist movements preclude such arenewal: the former because its structures negate the possibility of pluralisticpolitics, and the latter because its merging of state structures with the communalstructure of the historical Shari`ah contradicts the nature of the Islamicpolity as established by the Prophet.These restrictions can be overcome through grounding the state in twopillars. First, this means severing the link between the state and the ummah,a separation necessary to ensure that the state and its institutions are nothijacked by particularistic interests or erected as obstructions to the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual and conceptual development. Such an Islamic state,which privileges the marshalling of state resources toward the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual goals, also has, as its second pillar, the concept of consensus(ijma` ). Classical jurists viewed this concept as the fundamentalprinciple that confers legitimacy upon the state. Therefore, the state gainsits legitimacy insofar as it reflects the ummah’s will ...

scholarly journals EKSISTENSI DAN REFORMASI HUKUM KELURGA ISLAM DI INGGRIS

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-173
Author(s):  
Mutmainnah ◽  
Rahmawati
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Family Law ◽  
British Government ◽  
Legal Rules ◽  
Legal Case ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Muslim Minorities ◽  
First Time

this paper discusses the existence of family law in the UK which began to be looked at by the government since 2018, with a legal case experienced by one of the immigrants, the British government for the first time recognized the existence of Islamic law. Although the majority of Islamic law in force is still subject to the existing positive legal rules, but this is a special thanksgiving for the Muslim minority in Britain, because since 1970 they want to apply Islamic law to themselves in the country but have always been rejected by the British government, along with increasing their population, it is not impossible to see Britain as a moderate country in this regard. appeal case filed in February 2020 by one of the immigrants related to the problem of his family made Britain begin to pay attention to Muslim minorities, there are even researchers who concluded specifically the English marriage law it is time for reform to cover all the needs of its people

scholarly journals Caliphates and Juntas: Ottoman Legacies in Today's Controversies over Religion and State in the Arab World

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-810
Author(s):  
Juan Cole
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Officer Corps ◽  
Multiethnic States ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Religion And State

Egypt and Iraq display contrasting policies in the relationship between state and religion. Egypt's nationalist officer corps has subordinated political Islam, stigmatized the Muslim Brotherhood, and bended clerics to its will. While Arab Iraq presents two models, both hold a similar stance on religion: one an elected, parliamentary government dominated by political Islam and Shiite clerics; the other a theocratic Sunni caliphate of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. Egypt and Iraq are heirs to two differing Ottoman solutions to the problem of religion-state relations, the legacy of which is often overlooked. The most prevalent model subordinates clergy and religion to the state in the tradition of Mehmet I. This model is characteristic of the empire in its glory years and would have been recognized by Suleyman the Magnificent. In the other model, the late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century Hamidian caliphate, the head of state claimed temporal and religious authority to combat colonial penetration. Neither Ottoman nor colonial norms of governance, nor nationalist states succeeding them, developed methods to deal with multiethnic states or avoid a tyranny of the majority. Unlike the modernizing Ottoman caliphate, however, the caliphates of Mulla Omar and Ibrahim al-Samarra'i display a literalist reading of sharia and a ruthless disregard of humane prohibitions in mainstream Islamic law against killing innocents. Of the two models, the likely victor is the state-centric subordination of religion because latter-day caliphates have flourished only briefly as radical and sectarian movements in rugged territories where power vacuums existed.

scholarly journals Paradigma Formalisasi Hukum Islam di Indonesia

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahmatunnair Rahmatunnair
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Constitutional State ◽  
Constitutional System

Abstract: Formalization of an Islamic Law Paradigm in Indonesia. Formalization of Islamic law in Indonesia in principle is an effort of transformation of substantive values of Islamic Law within the system of National law. Indonesia is a constitutional state, so the formalization of Islamic law must refer to the constitution of the state. Therefore, the transformative paradigm of the means of formalization of Islamic law within the constitutional system is an appropriate choice and provides for broader prospects. Thus, the formalization of Islamic law in formal symbolic manner, especially in an effort to establish an Indonesian Islamic State, will only undergo distortions and will not provide benefits for the Islamic community in Indonesia.Keywords: formalization, Islamic law, national constitutionAbstrak: Paradigma Formalisasi Hukum Islam di Indonesia. Formalisasi hukum Islam di Indonesia pada prinsipnya merupakan upaya transformasi nilai-nilai subtanstif hukum Islam dalam sistem hukum Nasional. Indonesia adalah negara hukum, sehingga formalisasi hukum Islam mesti mengacu pada hukum negara. Oleh karena itu, paradigma transformatif bagi upaya formalisasi hukum Islam dalam sistem hukum Nasional adalah pilihan yang tepat dan memberikan prospek yang lebih besar. Dengan demikian, formalisasi hukum Islam secara formal simbolik apalagi dengan upaya mendirikan negara Islam Indonesia, hanya akan mengalami distorsi dan tidak banyak memberikan kebaikan bagi umat Islam Indonesia.Kata Kunci: formalisasi, hukum Islam, hukum NasionalDOI: 10.15408/ajis.v12i1.984

scholarly journals THE KOMPILASI HUKUM ISLAM AND DEBATES ON SHARI’A Reconsidering Islamic Law in Indonesia

Al-Ahkam ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Mohamad Abdun Nasir
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
New Order ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
Islamic Reform ◽  
Religious Law ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Public Concerns

<p>The discourses on the application of shari’a law through state enforcement have become public concerns in Indonesia and constituted a controversial issue. The idea of the application has been brought up by a number of Muslim politicians and Muslim groups and organizations that consider shari’a the best solution for the multi-dimension of socio-economic and political crisis upon the downfall of the New Order Regime in 1998. They believe that shari’a enforcement not only fits the spirit of democracy, assuming that the majority of population in the country is Muslims, but also offers a comprehensive solution to the crisis. Unfortunately, this idea is not grounded on a comprehensive apprehension to the nature of shari’a itself and pluralistic Indonesian society but more on political impetus, namely a strong plea to realize an Islamic state that integrates the state and religion and Islam and politics. By examining the <em>Kompilasi Hukum Islam</em>, as one example of shari’a legislation in Indonesia, this article demonstrates the problems of Islamic reform that most proponents of shari’a application have overlooked. It argues that application of religious law by the state must consider the methodology of the law and its impacts for broader society.</p><p>***</p><p class="IABSSS">Wacana tentang penerapan hukum Islam (syari’ah) melalui kekuasaan negara telah menjadi perhatian publik di Indonesia dan menimbulkan isu-isu kontroversial. Ide tentang penerapan itu telah dibawa oleh sejumlah politisi, kelompok, serta organisasi yang menganggap syari’ah sebagai solusi terbaik atas krisis multi dimensi, sosial, ekonomi, dan politik pasca jatuhnya rezim Orde Baru pada tahun 1998. Mereka percaya bahwa penegakan hukum Islam tidak hanya cocok dengan semangat demokratisasi, karena asumsi bahwa mayoritas penduduk di negara ini Muslim, namun juga me­nawarkan solusi yang komprehensif bagi krisis tersebut. Sayangnya, hal ini tidak didasarkan pada pembacaan yang komprehensif terhadap sifat syari’ah itu sendiri dan terhadap kondisi sosial masyarakat Indonesia yang majemuk, melainkan lebih pada dorongan politik, yaitu dorongan yang kuat untuk mewujudkan sebuah negara Islam yang mengintegrasikan negara dan agama serta Islam dan politik. Dengan menganalisis Kompilasi Hukum Islam, sebagai salah satu contoh produk hukum Islam di Indonesia, muncul argumentasi bahwa penerapan hukum agama oleh negara harus mem­pertimbangkan metodologi hukum dan dampaknya bagi masyarakat luas.</p><p class="IABSSS">***</p><div class="WordSection1"><p class="IAKEY" align="left">Keywords: <em class="IAKEY">Kompilasi Hukum Islam</em>, <em>shari’a, changes, response, Islam-state relations</em>, Indonesia</p></div>

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