Religious Parity versus Gender Parity

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafaela M. Dancygier
Keyword(s):  
Belief System ◽  
Muslim Women ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
The Political ◽  
Primary Concern ◽  
Gender Parity ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Majority Population ◽  
Political Spectrum

This chapter focuses on another consequence that emerges when parties' primary concern is to maximize votes: balancing religious parity with gender parity. A salient concern, voiced across the political spectrum, is that multicultural inclusion empowers conservative male community leaders at the expense of women. Different inclusion goals should be associated with different outcomes with respect to gender and religious parity. When parties are mainly interested in symbolic inclusion, they will select Muslim candidates who can signal to non-Muslim voters that they are well-integrated and abide by the norms and values of the majority population. The simplest way for parties to assess how candidates fare on this score is to look at their gender: just by virtue of running for office, Muslim women signal that they are not bound by conservative, patriarchal constraints in ways that men—even if they shared the same belief system—cannot.

scholarly journals FEMALE VOICES IN NEPALI NOVELS

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 216-223
Author(s):  
Ashok Thapa ◽  
Sushil Rajbhandari
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Female Characters ◽  
Democratic Socialism ◽  
Psychological Issues ◽  
Societal Norms ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Political Spectrum

The female characters created by BP Koirala and Pradip Nepal in Narendra Dai and Swapnil Shahar respectively have been compared and contrasted in this paper. Although Koirala and Nepal represent two poles of the Nepalese political spectrum, with Koirala pursuing democratic socialism doctrine and Nepal following communist ideology, the characters they create in their novels do not completely reflect the political schooling of their creators. The female characters in both the novels share some common traits of characters which most of the women in the Nepalese society, even today, exude, such as compassion, sacrifice, and docility. However, these female characters also display enough courage to rebel against the prevalent patriarchal dominance. The plot of Nepal’s novel is considerably politically colored, and thus the female characters in his novel discuss progressive ideas and even act accordingly. Koirala’s novel on the other hand deals more with socio-psychological issues and these conditions the dispositions of his characters. Nevertheless, his female characters too display rebellious traits and speak back to the patriarchal hegemony both through words and actions. As compared to Nepal, however, Koirala seems to have better succeeded in creating well-rounded female characters that not only abide by the then societal norms and values but also display mutiny against unjust treatment.

Secularism, Gender Inequality, and the French State

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan W. Scott
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Muslim Women ◽  
The State ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Primary Concern ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The Republic

This chapter disputes the current claim that secularism guarantees gender equality. It focuses on France and on the ways in which the word secularism (laïcité) was used polemically, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, by anti-clericals who condemned the dangerous association of women and religion and thus denied women the political rights of citizens. In the twenty-first century, the focus remains on women, but now it is Muslim women who are thought to endanger the republic. In this context, a new version of secularism has been articulated, which extends the demand for the neutrality of the state in matters of religion to the enforcement of the neutrality of public space. The changing meanings of laïcité suggest the need always to historicize it, to analyze its polemical operations and its effects in specific historical circumstances. This demonstrates gender equality is not—and has never been—a primary concern of secularism.

7. Camus’s legacies

2020 ◽  
pp. 102-112
Author(s):  
Oliver Gloag
Keyword(s):  
Belief System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Current Popularity

What is it about Camus’s works that inspires so many to quote, discuss, and use them as inspiration for books, films, and songs? ‘Camus’s legacies’ suggests that one possible answer for Camus’s current popularity is that the abstract quality of his thought makes it transferrable. He speaks to an abstract awareness of nature and mortality, but does not tell his readers what to do with this awareness. Nor do his writings subscribe to any particular belief system. Of course, this abstract quality opens the door for attempts to ‘claim’ Camus, but it also leads to plenty of misunderstandings and many different interpretations, across the political spectrum and through the cultural realm.

scholarly journals “You can’t forget our roots anyway”: French College Students’ views on a Racially and Religiously Pluralistic France

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-72
Author(s):  
Mariel Elyssa Tabachnick
Keyword(s):  
College Students ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
Muslim Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
French Culture ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
French Identity

Despite the longstanding presence of Islam in the territory of France, Muslim French must still claim and justify their belonging in the context of widespread public skepticism over Islam’s compatibility with “French” social and cultural values, such as laïcité, or secularism. The general public’s skepticism is also, in part, due to the historical and ongoing racialization of Muslim populations. Many French sub-populations, including those who are perceived as more “liberal” such as college students, are a part of this skeptical public. Therefore, how have these students speci cally been shaped by contemporary French discourses and understandings of laïcité? There is a lack of scholarly research on French college students in particular and their understandings of French identity, laïcité, and Muslims in France. To ll this gap, I conducted nine semi-structured interviews and drew on informal participant observation. In this article, I discuss French college students’ opinions on French identity as well as the desire for widespread assimilation, speci cally regarding Muslim women and their choice to wear a hijab in France. I examine these viewpoints within the framework of dominant French discourse, which often perpetuates the idea of a racialized Islam that is inherently incompatible with French culture. I argue that students on both the left and right sides of the political spectrum still reiterate opinions that t within this dominant French discourse.

Voice of Protest in Nepali Poetry by Women

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 51-62
Author(s):  
Indira Acharya Mishra
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
The Political ◽  
Feminine Gender ◽  
Theoretical Support ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Female Foetus ◽  
Nepali Women ◽  
Female Poets ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Feminine Gender Roles

This article explores feminist voice in selected poems of four Nepali female poets. They are: "Ma Eutā Chyātieko Poshtar" ["I, a Frayed Poster"] by Banira Giri, "Pothī Bāsnu Hudaina" ["A Hen Must not Crow"] by Kunta Sharma,"Ma Strī Arthāt Āimai"["I am a Female or a Woman"] by Seema Aavas and "Tuhāu Tyo Garvalai" ["Abort the Female Foetus"] by Pranika Koyu. In the selected poems they protest patriarchy and subvert patriarchal norms and values that trivialize women. The tone of their poems is sarcastic towards male chauvinism that treats women as a second-class citizen. The poets question and ridicule the restrictive feminine gender roles that limit women's opportunity. To examine the voice of protest against patriarchy in the selected poems, the article takes theoretical support from French feminism, though not limited to it. The finding of the article suggests that Nepali women have used the genre to the political end, as a medium to advocate women's rights.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

Tribunes and Patricians: Fringe Parties in the 21st Century

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Nedelcu
Keyword(s):  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Full Text ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Structural Shifts

The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210

scholarly journals Who is the modern ‘traitor’? ‘Fifth column’ accusations in US and UK politics and media

Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Chernobrov
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Social Trust ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Modern Politics ◽  
Us Presidential Election ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Opposition Movements ◽  
Western Politics

Accusations of treason and disloyalty have been increasingly visible in both western and international politics in recent years, from Russia and Turkey, to Brexit and the 2016 US presidential election. This article explores ‘traitor’ accusations in modern politics, with evidence from British and American newspapers for 2011–2016. Besides British and American politics, results reveal reported ‘fifth column’ accusations in over 40 countries. I identify three dominant patterns: authoritarian states describing opposition movements as a ‘fifth column’; suspicion of western Muslim populations as potential terrorists; and the use of traitor language to denote party dissent in western politics. Employed across the political spectrum, and not only by right-wing or populist movements, accusations of treason and betrayal point at a deeper breakdown of social trust and communicate collective securitizing responses to perceived threats.

A Natural Centre-Left Majority?

Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Robin Gray
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
The Core ◽  
Post War ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Failure

This article concerns the relationship between policy and voter elasticity on either side of the political spectrum as an explanation of the left's post-war political failure. The core contention is that left-oriented voters are more responsive to slight deviations in policy. This is used to explain partially Labour's post-war failure to dominate power even when the ‘left's vote’ was over 50 per cent.

The 1985 Greek Election and its Background

1985 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 488-503
Author(s):  
Nigel Clive
Keyword(s):  
Good Chance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
Political Spectrum

IN EARLY 1985, MOST POLITICAL OBSERVERS WOULD HAVE forecast the probability of Constantinos Karamanlis's reelection to his second term as president, which seemed the likely prelude to the election due before the end of October 1985. This, it was assumed, would have given Andreas Papandreou's Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) a good chance to repeat the advantage which his party undoubtedly enjoyed in its convincing victory at the election in October 1981, when a significant portion of the electorate, notably from the centre of the political spectrum, felt that it could well afford the risks of voting for all that was implied in PASOK's electoral slogan ‘Change’, so long as Karamanlis remained at the helm with the special powers reserved for the president under the 1975 constitution. The outlook was consequently for an election in or before the autumn of 1985. In fact, PASOK's victory on 2 June was achieved at a different time, for quite different reasons and in quite different circumstances.

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