РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

scholarly journals FEMALE VOICES IN NEPALI NOVELS

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 216-223
Author(s):  
Ashok Thapa ◽  
Sushil Rajbhandari
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Female Characters ◽  
Democratic Socialism ◽  
Psychological Issues ◽  
Societal Norms ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Political Spectrum

The female characters created by BP Koirala and Pradip Nepal in Narendra Dai and Swapnil Shahar respectively have been compared and contrasted in this paper. Although Koirala and Nepal represent two poles of the Nepalese political spectrum, with Koirala pursuing democratic socialism doctrine and Nepal following communist ideology, the characters they create in their novels do not completely reflect the political schooling of their creators. The female characters in both the novels share some common traits of characters which most of the women in the Nepalese society, even today, exude, such as compassion, sacrifice, and docility. However, these female characters also display enough courage to rebel against the prevalent patriarchal dominance. The plot of Nepal’s novel is considerably politically colored, and thus the female characters in his novel discuss progressive ideas and even act accordingly. Koirala’s novel on the other hand deals more with socio-psychological issues and these conditions the dispositions of his characters. Nevertheless, his female characters too display rebellious traits and speak back to the patriarchal hegemony both through words and actions. As compared to Nepal, however, Koirala seems to have better succeeded in creating well-rounded female characters that not only abide by the then societal norms and values but also display mutiny against unjust treatment.

Von der „Säuberung“ zum Generalpardon: Die Entnazifizierung der westdeutschen Wirtschaft

2010 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralf Ahrens
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Comprehensive Investigation ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Nazi Past ◽  
The One

AbstractImmediately following World War II, the allied occupational powers started a process of denazifying West German business in more or less the same way as the political and administrative apparatus. Initial approaches to solve the task by a radical purge of highly incriminated company managers soon gave way to more extensive investigations of party members and Nazi sympathizers also on lower ranks. Denazification escalated into bureaucratic mass procedures and finally ended up in various forms of amnesty and pardon in the late 1940s and early 1950s. A key feature in this process was the successively growing participation of German actors like various commissions, chambers of commerce and the companies themselves. On the one hand, comprehensive investigation and punishment under a re-installed rule of law had to rely upon cooperation of German actors and their expertise on the reality of the Nazi past; on the other hand, the integration of business itself into denazification procedures allowed company managers to benefit from informational advantages. Focussing the interaction between denazification authorities and business in the three West German zones of occupation, the article argues that under the general conditions of economic reconstruction and democratization the degeneration from purge to pardon was hardly avoidable, but that nevertheless the effects of temporary punishments should not be underestimated.

scholarly journals Transformation of the Political Discourse of the Ukrainian Elite in the Context of Competition between the Russian Federation and the West: 2004–2014

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-103
Author(s):  
D. I. Yefremov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The One

The article establishes the relationship between the interests of the Ukrainian establishment and the foreign policy vector of Kyiv. The author identified the main actors who determined the specifics of the transformation of the strategic course of Ukraine. On the one hand, the author revealed the critical problems of European integration and on the other hand, the improvement/ degradation of relations with the Russian Federation. The author evaluated the strategic doctrines used by the Ukrainian elite and analysed main changes in the approaches of the Ukrainian establishment. This article considers the reaction of Russian and Ukrainian political elites to the correction of the foreign policy imperatives of the Russian Federation and Ukraine, respectively. Also, the author, using the theory of the “heavy” and “light” fractions of Ukrainian political elites as an example, identifies specific features of the correlation between the replacement/renewal of key elite groups and the adaptation of the strategic vector, including a qualitative rethinking of the approaches inherent in the replaced establishment. On the other hand, the author compared between the declared positions/slogans and specific doctrines/concepts, initiated, for example, by individual actors of the political elite. The author analyses the main reasons for the soft dismantling of the so-called multi-vector diplomacy in favour of the Euro-Atlantic course. Also, in the article, concerning the realities of Ukraine, the influence of the political model of “shapeless pluralism” of hybrid regimes on the transformation of the foreign policy’ agenda.

Rochester and the Revenge of Uncle Tom in the 1940s and 1950s

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn H. Fuller-Seeley
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Black Press ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Race Riots ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
White Backlash ◽  
The World ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Political Spectrum

Hugely popular on radio and in film playing Rochester in the early 1940s, Eddie Anderson’s celebrity and career were at a peak in the World War II years, when in film, and in government-created publicity, he was a spokesman for black opportunity that was non-threatening across the white political spectrum. Race riots, conservative white backlash, and growth of assertive black critics rooting out “Uncle Tom” accommodation to white dominance, threatened Anderson’s career. Even Benny and his writers could occasionally unthinkingly forget to move ahead, as a recycled old script about Rochester’s minstrel-type ways raised outraged cries from the black press in 1950. Anderson became even more central to Benny’s program in the 1950s with Mary Livingstone’s retirement, as Rochester was dismissed by many as passé, but on the other hand, closer than ever to Jack as an interracial “Odd Couple” of housemates.

Apostates and True Believers

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan M. Wald
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cultural Landscape ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Jean Van Heijenoort ◽  
Cultural Freedom

The political and cultural landscape of the years after World War II are explored in relation to the deradicalization of one-time revolutionary intellectuals. The transformation of Stalinism into a kind of “Red Fascism” is one aspect, along with the activities of the intellectuals in the American Committee for Cultural Freedom and in relation to McCarthyism. The problem of apostasy is addressed by looking at intellectuals such as Sidney Hook, Will Herberg, Felix Morrow, Jean van Heijenoort, and many more. On the other hand, the sectarianism associated with orthodoxy is treated in regard to the evolution of the Socialist Workers Party and the conflict with Bert Cochran as well as the career of George Novack.

The Effect of Political Parties on Nationwide Referendums in Poland after 1989

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 733-754
Author(s):  
Maciej Hartliński
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

This article is part of the special cluster titled Political Parties and Direct Democracy in Eastern Europe, guest-edited by Sergiu Gherghina. The article is the first attempt to describe and compare five nationwide referendums in Poland after 1989 as tools of direct democracy exploited by political parties. The article makes two primary contributions to the literature. The explanation focuses on the circumstances as well as the two main motives of the referendum initiators, that is, to cause trouble for political opponents and strengthen one’s own position by legitimising one’s own proposals concerning the political system and foreign policy directions. Moreover, the article discusses six methods employed by political parties to use the institution of nationwide referendum for their own political purposes. Interestingly, the Polish example shows that nationwide referendums have twofold effects for their initiators. On the one hand, they allow political parties to effectively realise the aims behind the initiated referendum. On the other hand, both political parties (1996, 1997, 2003) and presidents (1996 and 2015) sustained defeats in the next parliamentary or presidential elections.

Germany Today: Continuity and Change

2000 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-99
Author(s):  
Dietmar Herz
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Short Description ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
German Politics ◽  
The Past ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Face

Events of recent months have changed the face of German politics. Or, to be more precise, they have shown that Germany has changed in recent years. Seen from the year 1999, these transformations have been twofold: on one hand, important fundamental conditions of German politics have changed over the past ten years; on the other hand, since last fall, a new government established new priorities. In a first step, this paper will give a short description of the internal and external state of German affairs at the end of Helmut Kohl's long reign. It will then analyse the current domestic and foreign policy situation in Germany, its new political directions, the reforms and setbacks of the new coalition of Social Democrats and Greens. In concluding, the more thoroughgoing aspects of change in Germany since unification will briefly be discussed.

The Catholic Hierarchy in the Nicaraguan Revolution

1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Structural Transformation ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Viable Alternative ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Nicaraguan Revolution ◽  
Clear Majority

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.

Towards the Socratic Mission: Imitatio Socratis

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Climate ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
The One ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
The Church

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.

The avant-garde’s visual arts in the context of Santayana’s idea of vital liberty

Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Visual Arts ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Universe

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.

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