Ideological Structure and Membership in International Institutions

Author(s):  
Erik Voeten

This chapter shows that ideological divisions shape how states sort into intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). During the Cold War, communist states for the most part stayed out of the core IGOs that defined the liberal order. Since the end of the Cold War, states all over the ideological spectrum have joined IGOs, but there has been considerable ideological sorting into IGOs and alliances. Global ideological orientations have implications for economic, cultural, human rights, security, and other issues. Thus, positioning on an ideological dimension can shape sorting into a wide variety of institutions. The chapter then compares the implications of the spatial approach to an alternative way of conceptualizing and measuring the structure underlying IGO memberships: network analysis.

2020 ◽  
pp. 29-58
Author(s):  
David Martin Jones

The way the Cold War ended and the triumph of market capitalism constituted the global, economic preconditions and the liberal democratic premises for abstract speculation about how the evolving world order ought to be governed. Release from the ideological straightjacket of the Cold War stimulated interest in social justice, emancipation, human security, human rights and international law. Ethics and culture replaced economics and historical materialism as subjects of academic inquiry. Human rights and social justice had been cards of low value in the Cold War ideological pack. Now, global values and shared norms trumped everything. The return of Grand Theory in a progressive guise saw otherwise obscure philosophical speculation concerning social justice and communicative reason form the basis for progressive theories of a communitarian, feminist and cosmopolitan character devoted to the ethical transformation of a global society. Political thought, once concerned with liberty and equality within the democratic state, now assumed a radical, emancipatory international dimension. It came to dominate the thought and practice of the western campus as well as form the tacit ideological dimension informing a new progressive, post political and post historicist third way.


PMLA ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 121 (5) ◽  
pp. 1552-1557
Author(s):  
Pheng Cheah

Globalization touches the core of what it means to be human. The proliferation of discourses on human rights after the end of the cold war indicates that globalization raises the deepest anxieties about the continuing preservation of our humanity. Because the humanities does not take the humanity of the human being as a given but sets as its basic task the inquiry of how humanity is constituted, it can help us assess whether the vicissitudes of globalization compel a radical rethinking of what it means to be human. If social-scientific solutions to the problems of globalization have always precomprehended an idea of humanity as the bearer of dignity, freedom, sociability, and culture as the power of transcending contingent limitations, and therefore the idea of humanity as an ideal project that needs to be actualized, the task and challenge of the humanities today may be to question this precomprehension of the human and even, somewhat perversely, to give it up.


2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-161
Author(s):  
Hans Blix

International institutions given the task to maintain collective security and to seek disarmament need to build on cooperation between major powers. The authors of the un Charter vested great powers in the Security Council but a consensus between the five permanent great powers was required for use of the powers. This inevitably paralyzed the Council during the Cold War. After the end of the Cold War, the permanent members have remained unable jointly to pursue disarmament, but they have succeeded in several remarkable cases to reach consensus, notably on measures to prevent the further spread of weapons of mass destruction. The quick action to eliminate chemical weapons in Syria was a win-win case led by us-Russian diplomacy, while the comprehensive deal settling the controversy over Iran’s nuclear program was a victory for patient diplomacy involving all permanent members and the eu. These actions show the potentials of the Council.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiyoung Song

AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.


2014 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Nickel

Like people born shortly after World War II, the international human rights movement recently had its sixty-fifth birthday. This could mean that retirement is at hand and that death will come in a few decades. After all, the formulations of human rights that activists, lawyers, and politicians use today mostly derive from the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the world in 1948 was very different from our world today: the cold war was about to break out, communism was a strong and optimistic political force in an expansionist phase, and Western Europe was still recovering from the war. The struggle against entrenched racism and sexism had only just begun, decolonization was in its early stages, and Asia was still poor (Japan was under military reconstruction, and Mao's heavy-handed revolution in China was still in the future). Labor unions were strong in the industrialized world, and the movement of women into work outside the home and farm was in its early stages. Farming was less technological and usually on a smaller scale, the environmental movement had not yet flowered, and human-caused climate change was present but unrecognized. Personal computers and social networking were decades away, and Earth's human population was well under three billion.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-141
Author(s):  
Marie-Pierre Rey
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  

Author(s):  
Aryeh Neier

This chapter details how the rise of the international human rights movement as a significant force in world affairs cannot be separated from the Cold War context in which it took place. The Cold War magnified the importance of citizen efforts to promote rights and, though many of those involved in the movement during the Cold War era took significant risks and suffered severe consequences, it was the circumstances of the East–West conflict that attracted many of them to the cause in the first place. Rights activists on both sides of the Iron Curtain became aware that calling attention to abuses of rights by their own governments carried extra weight in an era when a global competition was underway for people's hearts and minds.


Author(s):  
Manu Bhagavan

The introduction presents India’s role in the Cold War by providing a background of India’s prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. Also briefly discussed are a summary of the United Nation and the role India played in political conversation, topics, and events such as human rights, India’s role as a peacemaker, involvement in the development nuclear science, and politics. The introduction then outlines India’s approach to the Cold War and explains the book’s thematic sections. Part I focuses on the interplay of a bifurcated subcontinent with the polarized superpowers. Part II accentuates India’s peacekeeping aspirations. Part III discusses the domestic economic and political developments that were deeply intertwined with external relations, ideologies, and interventionism during the Cold War. Lastly, in light of all three portions, the book assesses India’s multifaceted role in the Cold War.


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