scholarly journals THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BLACK SEA COUNTRIES OF THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES

2020 ◽  
pp. 86-105
Author(s):  
Adam KRZYMOWSKI
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Research Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Strategic Partner ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy

: The Black Sea region has strategic geopolitical importance where the routes of Europe, the Caucasus, Asia, and the Middle East intersect. Ensuring stability and security in the Black Sea area is essential for emerging new security architecture. In search of balance, the challenges are met by the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and the deepening of strategic relations with the United Arab Emirates. The UAE, anchored in the Euro-Atlantic partnership and with extensive influence, emerges as an interesting strategic partner. When analysing the Three Seas Initiative, it should be noted that the United States of America joined the implementation of 3SI, seeing it as an opportunity to pursue American interests in LNG markets, and in a broader geopolitical dimension, combining this initiative with projects in the Middle East. This research paper is the first to analyse the foreign and security policy of the two Black Sea countries, Bulgaria, and Romania that participate in the Three Seas Initiative, from the geostrategic perspective and relations with the United Arab Emirates. The research work is based on empirical research, and the results of which are largely derived from 10 years of direct observation, as well as the participation of the author of the article in many initiatives related to cooperation between all 3SI countries with the United Arab Emirates, among others as an Ambassador, Senior Advisor at Dubai Expo 2020.

scholarly journals Black Sea Region in the Security Policy of Romania: Evaluation of Approaches

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-218
Author(s):  
D. S. Ayvazyan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Security ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Black Sea Region

The paper is dedicated to the role of the Black Sea region in the security policy of Romania. Approaches, patterns and results of this area of the foreign policy of Romania are studied since the period after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The concepts and strategies of the national security and the strategies of national defense of Romania, adopted since 1994 are analysed. The key patterns and results of the security policy pursued by Romania in the Black Sea region are defined. The author concludes that this direction of Romania's policy is consistently based on the strategic partnership with the United States and solidarity with the approaches of the NATO and EU in the Black Sea region. The policy leads to the imbalance in the relations with the littoral states for which euro-atlanticism has not become an ideological basis for their foreign policy (Russia and Turkey). Amidst the absence of the search for a new model of relations with the littoral states, Romania's policy leads to the growth of the potential for confliction in the Black Sea region.

scholarly journals NATO Regional Approaches to Missile Defense – in the Context of Black Sea Security

2020 ◽  
Vol 2(15)/2020 (2(15)/2020) ◽  
pp. 11-23
Author(s):  
Alika Guchua
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Area Of Interest ◽  
The One

In modern times, the security of the Black Sea region is given great attention in international politics. This is an important area of interest for the EuroAtlantic Alliance, as evidenced by the European Parliament's Strategy for the Black Sea, adopted in 2011. NATO's close attention at the 2016 Warsaw Summit and the Parliamentary Assembly in Bucharest in 2017 shows its interest in this issue, as well as at the 2019 Washington Ministerial meeting, which approved a package of security actions The Black Sea. After the annexation of Crimea by Russia, we can safely say that the region is included in the sphere of interests of global players. The Black Sea is simultaneously a confrontation line between global powers, where the interests of Russia and NATO, Russia and the European Union, on the one hand, and Turkey, Russia, and the United States, on the other, diverge. The article discusses the importance and role of the Black Sea in the context of global security. The policy of modernization and development of missile defense systems and strategic strike weapons in the Black Sea region is also being discussed. The main approaches and characteristics of NATO's regional security policy in the Black Sea are discussed.

scholarly journals The Problem of Illegal Emigration of the Mennonites of the Black Sea Region in the 1920s-1930s (According to the Memoirs of the Families A. Herman and M. Reuter)

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-66
Author(s):  
O.Y. Redkinа ◽  
T.P. Nazarova
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Mutual Aid ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Support Mechanism ◽  
Baltic Countries ◽  
The Far East

The article discusses the causes of illegal emigration of the Mennonites from the Black Sea region, identifies the main routes and shows the role of Mennonite mutual aid in the implementation in the 1920s-1930s. Mennonite memoirs show that the main causes of emigration were repressions against the wealthy layers of the village, the anti-religious struggle that affected wide circles of Mennonites. Young Mennonites suffered from the inability to obtain a higher or secondary specialized education, while maintaining their religious beliefs; they were afraid to be arrested as members of the families of the anti-Soviet element. The main routes of illegal emigration passed through the western regions of Russia to the Baltic countries, to Poland and Germany; through Central Asia to China, through Transcaucasia to Turkey and Iran, through the Far East to China and further to the countries of North and South America, to Germany. The Far East was the most successful channel of illegal mass emigration in the region of Blagoveshchensk, where refugees were supported by local Mennonite communities, the Harbin Refugee Assistance Committee, Protestant missionaries, the German consulate in China, and co-religionists in the United States and Canada. Mutual assistance at the interpersonal level, as well as between relatives and communities in different regions, continued to play the role of an effective support mechanism, maintaining ties within the Mennonite community.

scholarly journals The Weimar Triangle: France, Germany, Poland in the Middle East. United Arab Emirates Perspective

2021 ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Adam Krzymowski
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Research Question ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Scientific Goal ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Trade Potential ◽  
The Eu

The article’s scientific goal is to investigate the Weimar Triangle countries’ relations with the United Arab Emirates. Therefore, the author asks the research question. Are the Weimar Triangle states’ role and significance increasing in the external dimension of the European Union? Based on the example of the United Arab Emirates, the research adopted a hypothesis. It is the statement that after Brexit, the Weimar Triangle countries have a chance to improve their importance in the EU external activities. Apart from case studies, to revise the hypothesis, the author performed a meticulous comparative analysis. Moreover, the research implemented International Practice Theory as an appropriate tool to investigate the presented issue. This empirical research and its findings resulted from over ten years of the author’s direct observation, analysis, and participation in many initiatives, both in the European Union and in the United Arab Emirates. The Middle East for the Weimar Triangle countries is more significant than just from a trade potential perspective. The situation in this region is also affecting Europe, as well as global security architecture. For this reason, one should develop a coherent and comprehensive EU foreign and security policy towards the region, and the Weimar Triangle formula should be one of its pillars.

Turkey and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation: Opportunities and Challenges

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-70
Author(s):  
Yusuf Ibrahim Gamawa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Black Sea Region

This paper aims to analyse Turkey’s relationship with other states in the Black Sea region, and takes a look at reasons behind the formation of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation that was spearheaded by Turkey. The paper also highlights the importance of the region and the struggle by outside powers for influence in the region. These powers include Russia and the United states, alongside Turkey.

scholarly journals Geopolicy of the Black Sea region

2007 ◽  
Vol 59 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 308-321
Author(s):  
Nevenka Jeftic
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Trade Routes ◽  
Geographic Position

The author describes historical and contemporary geopolitical position of the Black Sea region. Up to the present times the primary significance of the region has lain in its trade routes and other transit communications that connect Europe, the Middle East and Asia. Having such geographic position the region has been an interest sphere of great powers and regional states and conquerors. Today most of states of the Black Sea region are economically poor, have unstable political systems and burdened with constant and potential explosive problems.

scholarly journals Black Sea Region and European Security Policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-70
Author(s):  
Sevdalina Dimitrova ◽  
Stoyko Stoykov ◽  
Rumen Marinov
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
European Security ◽  
Security Systems ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
New Horizons ◽  
Organized Violence ◽  
Science School

Abstract It is obvious that the beginning of the 21st century is marked by many new challenges, problems and risks, which in addition to changing the ideas, concepts and practice of organized violence, lead to a deficit of ideas, methods and means of protection from it. The need to adapt available security systems, tools and practices is adopted in Europe as a response to a conscious public need rather than as a strategically planned action in a time of changes. This led to a spontaneous emergence of a common attempt to aggregate and structure the available security knowledge and to create a common stable conceptual basis for national security systems in countries not only in Europe. Moreover, the enlargement of the Union has opened up new horizons for the development of the countries and, at the same time, has changed the significance and scope of European security, where the demarcation line between external and internal security has become more and more difficult to be determined. The discussions about our country's contribution to strategic security in the Black Sea region as part of European security are in the context of the scientific search of ours science school

scholarly journals Asymmetrical warfare Strategy and its Implications to the Black Sea Regional Security in 21st Century: Non-State Aggressive Actors and Terrorism

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-89
Author(s):  
Vakhtang Maisaia ◽  
Magdana Beselia
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Dominant Factor ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Conflict Zone ◽  
Military Politics

Today, military politics have became a dominant factor in the aegis of the contemporary international and regional security, and this provision is also relevant in the Black Sea Region. The nature of military politics presupposes the existence of asymmetric threats, which is revealed in the implementation of functional politics by the states and implies the following components: power, chance, astonishment, armed forces, their doctrines, and armaments. The asymmetric military identification is vital to recognize at the regional level, with the example of the Black Sea Region and it’s involvement of so-called ‘Non-State Aggressive Actors’ (DAESH, Al-Qaeda, etc.). After the Russian annexation of Crimea, the Black Sea Region would be designated as a conflict zone and therefore NATO has reinforced it’s eastern security policy accordingly. The International Community witnessed that there are two regional hegemons: Russia and Turkey, pursuing their own geopolitical and economic interests in the Black Sea region and the region around the Caspian Sea (including one that sees regional power interests). Recently, China, as a global power in its own right, with its ‘One Belt and One Road’ Initiative (OBOR), expresses it’s own interests toward the region,

scholarly journals Ukraine-NATO cooperation communicative culture development

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 48-54
Author(s):  
Viacheslav Kudlai ◽  
◽  
Serhiy Tsebro ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
The North ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Culture Development ◽  
The Impact

The article deals with the peculiarities of the concepts "communicative culture" and "communicative instruction" perception in the diplomatic relations between Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization context. Ukraine's mission to NATO culture, it’s forms of cooperation are analyzed. Main events that contributed to the cooperation between modern Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization communicative culture development are outlined. "Communicative culture" is considered as a tool, as a set of best practices, the study subjects characteristic and as a subsequent communications trajectory to be reproduced. Among the publications related to diplomatic communication between Ukraine and NATO problems, there are narratives that consider this issue in the context of the "communicative guidance" term, which stands to denote the impact on a partner for one purpose or another: to persuade, to doubt, to force to do, etc; the state of the subject's propensity to make any communication. Ukraine-NATO communication practices confirm the correctness of the application of the concept of "communication culture". The Ukraine - NATO communicative culture formation begins with firmly commitment of sovereign, independent and stable Ukraine to democracy and the rule of law, which is the key to Euro-Atlantic security. NATO-Ukraine relations date back to the 1990s and have since become one of NATO's most important partnerships. Since 2014, as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, cooperation in important areas has been intensified. The establishment of constructive communication began after the end of the Cold War, when Ukraine joined the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (1991) and the Partnership for Peace (1994). In response to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, NATO has stepped up its capacity-building and force-building support to Ukraine. NATO countries continue to condemn Russia's illegal Crimea annexation and its destabilizing and aggressive activities in eastern Ukraine and the Black Sea region. NATO has increased its presence in the Black Sea. Following the NATO Summit in Warsaw in July 2016, practical support is provided to Ukraine as part of the Comprehensive Assistance Package to Ukraine. In June 2017, the Ukrainian parliament passed a law restoring the country’s course towards NATO membership as a strategic goal of foreign and security policy.

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