scholarly journals NATO Regional Approaches to Missile Defense – in the Context of Black Sea Security

2020 ◽  
Vol 2(15)/2020 (2(15)/2020) ◽  
pp. 11-23
Author(s):  
Alika Guchua

In modern times, the security of the Black Sea region is given great attention in international politics. This is an important area of interest for the EuroAtlantic Alliance, as evidenced by the European Parliament's Strategy for the Black Sea, adopted in 2011. NATO's close attention at the 2016 Warsaw Summit and the Parliamentary Assembly in Bucharest in 2017 shows its interest in this issue, as well as at the 2019 Washington Ministerial meeting, which approved a package of security actions The Black Sea. After the annexation of Crimea by Russia, we can safely say that the region is included in the sphere of interests of global players. The Black Sea is simultaneously a confrontation line between global powers, where the interests of Russia and NATO, Russia and the European Union, on the one hand, and Turkey, Russia, and the United States, on the other, diverge. The article discusses the importance and role of the Black Sea in the context of global security. The policy of modernization and development of missile defense systems and strategic strike weapons in the Black Sea region is also being discussed. The main approaches and characteristics of NATO's regional security policy in the Black Sea are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-218
Author(s):  
D. S. Ayvazyan

The paper is dedicated to the role of the Black Sea region in the security policy of Romania. Approaches, patterns and results of this area of the foreign policy of Romania are studied since the period after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The concepts and strategies of the national security and the strategies of national defense of Romania, adopted since 1994 are analysed. The key patterns and results of the security policy pursued by Romania in the Black Sea region are defined. The author concludes that this direction of Romania's policy is consistently based on the strategic partnership with the United States and solidarity with the approaches of the NATO and EU in the Black Sea region. The policy leads to the imbalance in the relations with the littoral states for which euro-atlanticism has not become an ideological basis for their foreign policy (Russia and Turkey). Amidst the absence of the search for a new model of relations with the littoral states, Romania's policy leads to the growth of the potential for confliction in the Black Sea region.



2020 ◽  
pp. 63-89
Author(s):  
Vakhtang Maisaia ◽  
Magdana Beselia

Today, military politics have became a dominant factor in the aegis of the contemporary international and regional security, and this provision is also relevant in the Black Sea Region. The nature of military politics presupposes the existence of asymmetric threats, which is revealed in the implementation of functional politics by the states and implies the following components: power, chance, astonishment, armed forces, their doctrines, and armaments. The asymmetric military identification is vital to recognize at the regional level, with the example of the Black Sea Region and it’s involvement of so-called ‘Non-State Aggressive Actors’ (DAESH, Al-Qaeda, etc.). After the Russian annexation of Crimea, the Black Sea Region would be designated as a conflict zone and therefore NATO has reinforced it’s eastern security policy accordingly. The International Community witnessed that there are two regional hegemons: Russia and Turkey, pursuing their own geopolitical and economic interests in the Black Sea region and the region around the Caspian Sea (including one that sees regional power interests). Recently, China, as a global power in its own right, with its ‘One Belt and One Road’ Initiative (OBOR), expresses it’s own interests toward the region,



2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-287
Author(s):  
M. G. Bistrina

The policy of Bulgaria in the Black Sea region plays an important role for the future development of the country, as well as for the development of the region as a whole. The inability to develop a national strategy aggravates a number of problems in terms of the strategic use of the resources of the Black Sea, leads to enormous losses for the country. At the present time, Bulgaria is implementing a number of policies in the Black Sea region — such as energy, trade, traffic and security, protection of the surrounding environment, regional cooperation, etc. To effectively overcome the many problems in the Black Sea region, it is necessary first of all to take collective actions that will help overcome two obstacles: the EU’s interests in the Black Sea region and Bulgaria’s ability to defend its national interests, not adhering to the EU’s common policy.At the moment, the European Union is intensifying its efforts to create an effective policy in order to enter the Black Sea region and become one of the main players. We should not forget the interests of other Great Powers like Russia and The United States.



Weed Science ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-231
Author(s):  
Husrev Mennan ◽  
Mehmet Bozoğlu ◽  
Uğur Başer ◽  
Ivo Brants ◽  
Xavier Belvaux ◽  
...  

AbstractHazelnut (Corylus avellana L.) is a native shrub on the steep slopes of the mountains and on the plains in the Black Sea coast of Turkey. Turkey is the world’s largest hazelnut producer and exporter, followed by Italy, Spain, the United States, and Greece. Within the scope of this project, a number of surveys were conducted in Turkey to understand the impact of a glyphosate ban on hazelnut production and the economy. Sixty farm surveys were conducted within the Black Sea region, and those data were used as primary information sources. Databases of institutions, theses, academic reports, and published articles were used as secondary data sources to determine the possible effects of a glyphosate ban on Turkish hazelnut production and economy. One of the most important findings of the study was that agricultural business and employment sustained by hazelnut production constitute a significant part of the rural economy. Tillage and mechanical strategies remain as the most sustainable alternative methods for controlling weeds. A potential glyphosate restriction may increase the demand for labor due to a higher need for mechanical strategies. The cost of these alternative methods are 80% more compared with glyphosate weed control systems. The benefit–cost model predicted that, in the case of no glyphosate use, total hazelnut production would decrease by 12% to 21% due to inefficient weed control. A glyphosate ban would result in a reduction in Turkish gross domestic product. Yearly, an average of US$2 billion in revenue is obtained from hazelnut exports, and this number corresponds to 1.37% of Turkey’s annual export value. The glyphosate ban would cause a US$240 to US$420 million loss in hazelnut export value and reduce production by 66 to 115 million kg. Global demand for hazelnut is believed to be on the increase, and world production depends largely on Turkey.



Author(s):  
Adam KRZYMOWSKI

: The Black Sea region has strategic geopolitical importance where the routes of Europe, the Caucasus, Asia, and the Middle East intersect. Ensuring stability and security in the Black Sea area is essential for emerging new security architecture. In search of balance, the challenges are met by the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and the deepening of strategic relations with the United Arab Emirates. The UAE, anchored in the Euro-Atlantic partnership and with extensive influence, emerges as an interesting strategic partner. When analysing the Three Seas Initiative, it should be noted that the United States of America joined the implementation of 3SI, seeing it as an opportunity to pursue American interests in LNG markets, and in a broader geopolitical dimension, combining this initiative with projects in the Middle East. This research paper is the first to analyse the foreign and security policy of the two Black Sea countries, Bulgaria, and Romania that participate in the Three Seas Initiative, from the geostrategic perspective and relations with the United Arab Emirates. The research work is based on empirical research, and the results of which are largely derived from 10 years of direct observation, as well as the participation of the author of the article in many initiatives related to cooperation between all 3SI countries with the United Arab Emirates, among others as an Ambassador, Senior Advisor at Dubai Expo 2020.



Author(s):  
E. D. Eshba

Throughout the history The Black Sea region attracted attention of both regional states and those lying far beyond its borders . One of the main reasons for increased attention to the Black Sea coast is its transit location : it is crossed by transport routes connecting the West with the states of Central Asia and Transcaucasia that are rich by hydrocarbon resources . A large-scale and fairly ambitious gas pipeline projects that are scheduled to take place on the territory of the Black Sea countries and across the Black Sea lead us to expect the increasing role of the Black Sea region in the world economic system. In this regard, the author brings to light the problem of the main stages of the development of cooperation among the Black Sea countries be means of analysis of the most successful attempts at regional cooperation. Special attention is paid to the policy of Turkey in the Black Sea and on the interactions of two major regional actors (Russia and Turkey) . In addition, the work highlights the most promising areas of transport, logistics , trade and economic development of the region , including the project of ring highway around the Black Sea, as well as prospects for the intensification of maritime transport and the development of new marine transportation routes. To summarize, the author concludes that , despite the development of cooperation in the region , there are problems in the formation of a comprehensive system of regional security and cooperation, so as major obstacles to the successful implementation of the plan of cooperation in the Black Sea region still remain .



2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
OLEG V. Donetsk National University ◽  

Basing on a constructivist approach to international relations and foreign policy, the author has defined the conceptual content of the script, in which the experts of the Ukrainian National Institute for Strategic Studies imagine Crimea and the Black Sea region. The study was carried out on the basis of the materials of the Institute's analytical reports to the messages of the President to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2014-2018. It was found that the ideas about Crimea contained in them are extremely mythologized: in the political picture of the world of the Institute's experts, the peninsula is considered as a “Russian bridgehead”, a source of “military threat" and an "occupied territory". Ukrainian experts are convinced that the motives of Russia's foreign and defense policy in the Black Sea direction are allegedly due to its desire for "expansion", "imperial policy" and the desire to "restore the Soviet Union." They perceive the reunification of Crimea with Russia as an event that led to a cardinal transformation of the geopolitical space of the Black Sea region that contradicts Ukrainian national interests. At the same time, on rational grounds, the institute is actively searching for conceptual approaches to organizing a new regional security system and creating a long-term, broad and durable alliance of anti-Russian forces, which could act as a NATO parallel structure in the Black Sea region in the future. Moreover, Ukrainian experts do not have any own geopolitical project or idea on this. They are considering several options for regional coalitions at once, paying special attention to the Polish concept of "Intermarium", which consists in creating a block of Baltic-Black Sea states.



2018 ◽  
Vol 931 ◽  
pp. 790-796
Author(s):  
Viktoria V. Pishchulina

A one-apsidal hall church is always a reflection of so-called “vulgar” Christianity, thus revealing the important peculiarities of the spatial culture of the region where it is erected. In this region we can mark two periods when such temples were built: VI-VII c. and X-XII c. The first period is associated with the missionary activity by Byzantine Empire, Antioch, Caucasian Albania which was conditioned by both geopolitical interests (Byzantian Empire, Antioch) and the shift of The Great Silk Way to the north (Caucasian Albania). The second, as the research has shown, is connected with the migration of the peoples of Abkhazia, the abzakhs to this territory in the XII-XIII c. and the development of contacts with the Crimea. In the North Black Sea Region the one-apsidal hall church appears as early as in the VI c. – in the territory of Abkhazia we know about ten such temples. The temples of this type in the area of Big Sochi are dated back to the VII-VIII c. In the first Abhzaian temples we can reveal the influence of denominational centers – Byzantian Empire, Antioch, Caucasian Albania. In the temples of the Black Sea coast of both periods – introduction of the samples from Abkhazia.



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