scholarly journals Two pages from the culture of the double speech and of tacit suppositions

wisdom ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-11
Author(s):  
Ana Bazac
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Culture ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status

The power relations – at the time of Erasmus and Mandeville, and also in present – make the critique of the status quo to be very difficult. An answer to this situation was and is the complex of the double speech and tacit political suppositions. The paper suggests some similarities between the texts of the above-mentioned thinkers and, on the other hand, the present mainstream political jargon, by emphasising rather the differences: it is noteworthy that Mandeville and Erasmus had a strong, while indirect through their humoristic use of the double speech, critique of the state of things described by them. The conclusions developed here concern the tacit suppositions in the political discourse and how the two items are perennial within the modern culture.

scholarly journals Political Art Criticism and the Need for Theory

Arts ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Daniel Neofetou
Keyword(s):  
Art Criticism ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Art ◽  
Art Theory ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Way

Day-to-day art criticism and art theory are qualitatively distinct. Whereas the best art criticism entails a closeness to its objects which is attuned to particularity, art theory inherently makes generalized claims, whether these claims are extrapolated from the process of art criticism or not. However, this article argues that these dynamics are effectively reversed if we consider the disparity between the criticism of so-called political art and attempts over the last century to elaborate theory which accounts for the political in art qua art. Art theory has located the political force of art precisely in the way that its particularity opposes or resists the status quo. Art criticism, on the other hand, tends to treat artwork as a text to be interpreted whose particularity may as well dissolve when translated into discourse. Drawing from the work of Theodor W. Adorno, this article argues that political art theory calls for art criticism more attuned to experience if it is to elucidate art’s critical valence.

scholarly journals Narrating technonatures: discourses of biotechnology in a neoliberal era

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Myles Carroll
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Effective Strategy ◽  
Economic Implications ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Economic

This article considers the role played by discourses of nature in structuring the cultural politics of anti-GMO activism. It argues that such discourses have been successful rhetorical tools for activists because they mobilize widely resonant nature-culture dualisms that separate the natural and human worlds. However, these discourses hold dubious political implications. In valorizing the natural as a source of essential truth, natural purity discourses fail to challenge how naturalizations have been used to legitimize sexist, racist and colonial systems of injustice and oppression. Rather, they revitalize the discursive purchase of appeals to nature as a justification for the status quo, indirectly reinforcing existing power relations. Moreover, these discourses fail to challenge the critical though contingent reality of GMOs' location within the wider framework of neoliberal social relations. Fortunately, appeals to natural purity have not been the only effective strategy for opposing GMOs. Activist campaigns that directly target the political economic implications of GMOs within the context of neoliberalism have also had successes without resorting to appeals to the purity of nature. The successes of these campaigns suggest that while nature-culture dualisms remain politically effective normative groundings, concerns over equity, farmers' rights, and democracy retain potential as ideological terrains in the struggle for social justice.

Political Discourse Strategies Used in Twitter during Gezi Park Protests

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nilay Yavuz ◽  
Naci Karkın ◽  
İsmet Parlak ◽  
Özlem Özdeşim Subay
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Opposition Party ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Political Interaction ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Discourse Strategies

Along with the growing use of twitter as a tool of political interaction, recently, there has also been an attention in the academia to understand and explain how and why politicians use twitter, and what its impact on the political outcomes are. On the other hand, there has been little analysis about the content of the tweets that politicians from different parties posted during major political events. Accordingly, this study aims to investigate the discourse strategies that the top-level politicians of the party in power and of the main opposition party in Turkey used in their tweets during Gezi Park events in the summer of 2013. Findings from a hand-coded content analysis based on Van Dijk's framework (2006) indicate that while the most frequently used strategy was actor descriptions and categorization for both parties' politicians, burden strategy and lexicalization / metaphor strategy were used significantly more by the main opposition party politicians compared to the politicians of the party in power.

8 Conclusion

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabahi Borzu
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Responsibility ◽  
Private Law ◽  
Public International Law ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status ◽  
Dual Origin

This chapter discusses ten important findings included in this book. One finding is the dual origin of the modern rules on State responsibility and reparation in both private law notions and public international law, resulting in the objective of reparation of putting the aggrieved party in the ‘hypothetical position’, that would have existed if the unlawful act had not occurred. This objective is mirrored in the modern Chorz ów Factory formula. Restitution, which seeks to re-establish the status quo ante, may need to be accompanied by additional compensation to fully reach the hypothetical position. The amount of compensation, on the other hand, based on the recent jurisprudence, may vary depending on whether the acts complained of were lawful or unlawful. Other important points arising from this study concerning the principles of reparation and compensation are also highlighted in the chapter.

Political World

1990 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-153
Author(s):  
Brian Langille
Keyword(s):  
Ludwig Wittgenstein ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political World ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status ◽  
Critical Legal Theory ◽  
The One

It is not transparently obvious why legal theorists are increasingly attracted to the ideas and methods of Ludwig Wittgenstein. After all, Wittgenstein’s writings are notoriously difficult and he said almost nothing, and certainly nothing sustained, about law. And why would self-proclaimed legal theorists be attracted to someone who was quite explicitly hostile to “theory”, who viewed philosophy as a sort of therapy, and who said, famously, “philosophy leaves everything as it is”? But a still more interesting question is, why has Wittgenstein received such curious and conflicting treatment at the hands of the critical legal theorists? On the one hand critical legal theory celebrates Wittgenstein’s work as a key to the dismantling of traditional jurisprudence, but on the other hand critical scholars bemoan his alleged debilitating endorsement of the status quo. It is this last question upon which this essay is focussed.

Evolving Political Discourse on Poverty Alleviation in Sri Lanka

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 171-181
Author(s):  
Upul Abeyrathne
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Poverty Alleviation ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government

There is a voluminous literature on poverty alleviation efforts of Sri Lanka. The present engagement with discourse on evolving political discourse on poverty alleviation touches a different aspect, i.e. instrumental utility of policy in keeping and maintaining the status quo. The study is based on examination of the content of public policies depending on the major strand of thought associated in different eras since colonial presence in Sri Lanka. It helps to identify the continuities and discontinuities of policy discourse. The discussion on the evolution of public policy on poverty alleviation revealed that issues of the poor has occupied a priority in the political agenda of the government whenever a political movement is active in politicizing the poor. However, the very objective of such policies were not aimed at empowering the poor but keeping them subordinated. The study concludes that poverty remains unresolved due to poverty of politics.

Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa: Father, Family, Food. By Michael G. Schatzberg. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001. 292p. $49.95 cloth, $22.95 paper.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 866-867
Author(s):  
Robert Fatton
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Indiana University ◽  
The Third ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One ◽  
Status Of Women

Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa is an insightful, refreshing, and original book that refines and expands our understanding of the so-called “politics of the belly.” A phrase made famous by Jean Francois Bayart (The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly, 1993), the politics of the belly is the phenomenon of “eating” the fruits of power. The extent to which officeholders monopolize or share these fruits with the larger community has, however, significant consequences for their legitimacy. As Michael Schatzberg suggests, a “moral matrix of legitimate governance” (p. 35) embedded in familial and paternal metaphors shapes these belly politics. In turn, he argues that the moral matrix is rooted in four major premises. The first and second are related to the image of the ruler as a “fatherchief,” who has the obligation, on the one hand, to nurture and nourish his “family,” and on the other hand, to punish his “children” when necessary and pardon them when they truly repent. The third premise concerns the status of women in society; while they are not considered equal to men, rulers should, nonetheless, respect their role as “counselors and advisers.” The fourth premise “holds that permanent power is illegitimate and that political fathers…have to let their children grow up, mature, take on ever-increasing responsibilities in the conduct of their own affairs, and eventually succeed them in power” (p. 192).

scholarly journals EUNUS: THE COWARDLY KING

2013 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 237-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Morton
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Night Time ◽  
Slave Owner ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Diodorus Siculus ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One ◽  
The City

In 135b.c., unable to endure the treatment of their master Damophilus, a group of slaves, urged on by the wonder-worker Eunus, captured the city of Enna in Eastern Sicily in a night-time raid. The subsequent war, according to our sources the largest of its kind in antiquity, raged for three years, destroying the armies of Roman praetors, and engaging three consecutive consuls in its eventual suppression. The success of the rebels in holding out for years against a progression of Roman armies indicates the importance of the event, and the capabilities of their leaders. One expects the man capable of leading such a revolt to have been exceptional, and in this respect the ancient accounts do not disappoint: in a narrative replete with larger-than-life characters, ranging from the depraved slave-owner Damophilus (Diod. Sic. 34/5.2.10, 35–8) to the restrained Roman consul Calpurnius Piso (Val. Max. 4.3.10), one figure stands out in Diodorus Siculus' depiction: the leader of the slaves. This man, Eunus, whom Diodorus describes as the leader of the event he calls the (first) Sicilian Slave War, has been variously interpreted in modern scholarship. Analyses have fallen into two (not mutually exclusive) categories. On the one hand, the hostile and outlandish account of Diodorus is accepted uncritically, with the details of Eunus' character understood as faithful, historical representations. On the other hand, the negative facets of Eunus' character are reinterpreted in a positive historical context, thereby outlining his suitability and capability to lead such a large and successful insurgency against Rome. Indeed, Urbainczyk recently argued that despite the difficulties in saying anything definite about the leaders of the so-called Sicilian Slave Wars ‘[Diodorus] attributed to [Eunus] all the powers, abilities, wisdom, and cunning that challenges to the status quo had to have in order to succeed’.

Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics

1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mair
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Processes Of Change ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Future ◽  
The One

The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.

scholarly journals Tactical Extremism

2018 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 282-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
JON X. EGUIA ◽  
FRANCESCO GIOVANNONI
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Small Probability ◽  
The Road ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Future Success ◽  
The Status ◽  
Welfare Implications ◽  
The One ◽  
Mainstream Party

We provide an instrumental theory of extreme campaign platforms. By adopting an extreme platform, a previously mainstream party with a relatively small probability of winning further reduces its chances. On the other hand, the party builds credibility as the one most capable of delivering an alternative to mainstream policies. The party gambles that if down the road voters become dissatisfied with the status quo and seek something different, the party will be there ready with a credible alternative. In essence, the party sacrifices the most immediate election to invest in greater future success. We call this phenomenon tactical extremism. We show under which conditions we expect tactical extremism to arise and we discuss its welfare implications.

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