scholarly journals ISLAM AND THE FAILURE OF MODERNIZATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST

Al-Albab ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Sahide
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Political System ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The West ◽  
The Core ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Islam And Modernity ◽  
Core Issues

This paper tries to see the encounter between Islam and modernity in the countries where the majority of the inhabitants are Muslims, particularly in the Middle East that is currently in the state of turmoil. In General, modernity failed to adapt to the Islamic states, for example the failure of democracy, which became the current joint attention in some Arab countries where the iron fist regimes are still a part of the political system. Furthermore, this paper attempts to see why modernity is difficult to adapt itself in the Middle East which began to build relations with Europe in the 18th century. Bernard Lewis, an expert who focuses on the Islamic world, argued that the failure of modernity in the Middle East and Islamic countries because of cultural factors and understanding of religion that hampered the pace of modernity. The understanding of religion is still centered on debating the democratic system and gender equality which come from the West; all of which is part of modernity. In addition, the young generations that learn a lot from the West, are not given broader space to apply their knowledge in developing and setting up a system of nationhood and statehood. These are the core issues that will be discussed further in this paper. Keywords: Modernity, Middle East tensions, and Islam

ICT and Gender Inequality in the Middle East

2011 ◽  
pp. 772-779
Author(s):  
Ahmed El Gody
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Digital Divide ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Arab Population ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Ict Adoption ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Political Economic

Information communication technologies (ICT) have become an effective force for accelerating political, economic, and social development, decreasing poverty, and fostering trade and knowledge; however the uneven distribution, usage, and implementation of ICT resulted in what is known as the “digital divide” between those who have access to and utilization of information resources and those who do not (Internet.com, 2004). The Middle East, with the exception of Israel, is the least ICT connected area worldwide with only 1.4% of the global share (less than half of the world average of 5.2%). ICT adoption and access in the Arab world are far from adequate; only 6% of the Arab world population uses the Internet, while the penetration rate of personal computers is 2.4%, and less than 4 % of the Arab population has access to a ground telephone line (Ajeeb, 2006; NUA, 2005). The trend of globalization forced Arab countries to realize the power of ICT as one of the most important factors in achieving sustainable growth. During the past decade, genuine efforts have been implemented by Arab governments to utilize ICT; as of May 2005, every country in the Arab world (as seen in Table 1)—except Iraq and Libya—has a clear strategy or at least a plan for promoting ICT (Dutta & Coury, 2003). In her book, Technology Strategies for Putting Arab Countries on the Cyber Map, Reem Hunaidi (2002) stated that despite Arab world efforts to utilize ICT, Arabs are still far from bridging the digital divide. Hunaidi stated that the Arab world is still scoring low on the Digital Access Index (as seen in Table 2), adding that bridging the digital divide requires commitment from all development stakeholders, not only Arab governments. The Hunaidi study concluded that development should start within the Arab society through liberating Arab human capabilities, especially those of women questioning how a society can compete in an increasingly globalized world if half of its people remain marginalized (Hunaidi, 2002). The UNDP 2004 report on human development in the Arab world added to Hunaidi’s question stating that the first step in human ICT development is to bridge the gender divide within the Arab world and make use of the latent 50% of the Arab population. The Arab world has the lowest Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) worldwide next to Sub-Saharan Africa. Nancy Hafkin and Nancy Tagger (2001), in their study “Gender, Information Technology, and Developing Countries”, stated that the degree of gender bias can be vividly seen across the Arab region. Figures indicate that Arab users constitute 4% of Internet users in comparison to 22% of users in Asia, 25% in Europe, 38% in Latin America, and 50% in the United States. Hafkin and Tagger (2001) concluded that several challenges of socio-cultural, political, economic, and education disparities need to be addressed towards advancing Arab women’s active participation in the new networked information society.

Human rights amidst despair in the Levant and the West

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 613-623
Author(s):  
Micheline Ishay
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The West ◽  
Pendulum Swing ◽  
Economic Progress ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Arab Spring

In 2019, protests in the streets of Algeria and Sudan, Lebanon and Iraq brought back the fragrance of the Jasmine revolution. Can the pendulum swing back towards democracy and human rights in the Middle East and North Africa region – and in Europe? What will it take to endure? I argue three points. First, I maintain that the human rights aspirations of the Arab Spring rippled across the West in 2011 as disenfranchised groups reacted to increasing social and economic grievances. Second, I contend that the failure to counter these problems has fed a vicious cycle of religious radicalism and right-wing nationalism. Third, I argue that despite widespread Western exhaustion and an inclination to disengage from turmoil in the Middle East, current circumstances make possible new international human rights initiatives, drawn from history, to advance civil liberties, economic progress, security and gender equality in the Middle East, the West and beyond.

ICT and Gender Inequality in the Middle East

2008 ◽  
pp. 3260-3273
Author(s):  
Ahmed El Gody
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Digital Divide ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Arab Population ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Ict Adoption ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Political Economic

Information communication technologies (ICT) have become an effective force for accelerating political, economic, and social development, decreasing poverty, and fostering trade and knowledge; however the uneven distribution, usage, and implementation of ICT resulted in what is known as the “digital divide” between those who have access to and utilization of information resources and those who do not (Internet.com, 2004). The Middle East, with the exception of Israel, is the least ICT connected area worldwide with only 1.4% of the global share (less than half of the world average of 5.2%). ICT adoption and access in the Arab world are far from adequate; only 6% of the Arab world population uses the Internet, while the penetration rate of personal computers is 2.4%, and less than 4 % of the Arab population has access to a ground telephone line (Ajeeb, 2006; NUA, 2005). The trend of globalization forced Arab countries to realize the power of ICT as one of the most important factors in achieving sustainable growth. During the past decade, genuine efforts have been implemented by Arab governments to utilize ICT; as of May 2005, every country in the Arab world (as seen in Table 1)—except Iraq and Libya—has a clear strategy or at least a plan for promoting ICT (Dutta & Coury, 2003). In her book, Technology Strategies for Putting Arab Countries on the Cyber Map, Reem Hunaidi (2002) stated that despite Arab world efforts to utilize ICT, Arabs are still far from bridging the digital divide. Hunaidi stated that the Arab world is still scoring low on the Digital Access Index (as seen in Table 2), adding that bridging the digital divide requires commitment from all development stakeholders, not only Arab governments. The Hunaidi study concluded that development should start within the Arab society through liberating Arab human capabilities, especially those of women questioning how a society can compete in an increasingly globalized world if half of its people remain marginalized (Hunaidi, 2002). The UNDP 2004 report on human development in the Arab world added to Hunaidi’s question stating that the first step in human ICT development is to bridge the gender divide within the Arab world and make use of the latent 50% of the Arab population. The Arab world has the lowest Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) worldwide next to Sub-Saharan Africa. Nancy Hafkin and Nancy Tagger (2001), in their study “Gender, Information Technology, and Developing Countries”, stated that the degree of gender bias can be vividly seen across the Arab region. Figures indicate that Arab users constitute 4% of Internet users in comparison to 22% of users in Asia, 25% in Europe, 38% in Latin America, and 50% in the United States. Hafkin and Tagger (2001) concluded that several challenges of socio-cultural, political, economic, and education disparities need to be addressed towards advancing Arab women’s active participation in the new networked information society.

The “Tibet question”: Tibetan, Chinese and Western perspectives

2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 1100-1135 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Crowe
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Tibetan Plateau ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
The Tibetan Plateau ◽  
The West ◽  
Dalai Lama ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Core Issues ◽  
Over Time

The historical conflict between Tibet and China goes back almost a thousand years. Both sides use history to argue their point about the core issues in this dispute – Tibet's claim of independence and autonomy, and China's of suzerainty. This article looks at the historical roots of this conflict, particularly since 1949, when China began its gradual takeover of Tibet. Chinese policies toward Tibet, which have been driven by a desire to communize and sinicize Tibet, has been met by stiff resistance from the Tibetans, who see Han Chinese dominance as a force that will, over time, destroy Tibet's unique religion, language, culture, and history. This resistance has drawn the attention of the West, who see Chinese policies in Tibet as a symbol of the failings of Beijing's rulers to embrace a strong commitment to human rights at the same time that China is becoming a global economic power. The 14th Dalai Lama, a key figure in this conflict, and his government-in-exile have served as bridges to Western efforts to try to force Beijing to embrace more open, humane policies toward Tibetans throughout China. His retirement as political head of the exile government in 2011, coupled with China's growing economic and strategic power globally, raises serious questions about the willingness of the USA, and other democratic powers to risk their relationships with Beijing to continue to promote true human rights and autonomy throughout the Tibetan Plateau.

scholarly journals GERAKAN ISLAM TRANSNASIONAL: SEBUAH NOMENKLATUR, SEJARAH DAN PENGARUHNYA DI INDONESIA

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Aksa Aksa
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The West ◽  
Islamic Revival ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
State Boundary ◽  
Post War ◽  
Critical Limits

Transnational Islamic movement is a terminology that belongs in the new academic study. The term 'nomenclature', generally the ideology they have crossed the State boundary of the critical limits stretcher (Nation state). The emergence of transnational Islamic movement's lively lately is part of an Islamic revival and renewal of the Era that grew in the Middle East since the 18th century. The post-war collapse of the Caliphate based in Ottoman Turkey in 1924. The transnational Islamic movement has found its momentum by forming new forces in conducting resistance against colonialism and imperialism of the West. Presence of Transnational Islamic movement in Indonesia is part of the revivalisms Islamic movement in the Middle East and influenced directly against the pattern of Islam in Indonesia. Transmission line ideas Islamism is at least via the social movements, education, and publications.

scholarly journals Gerakan Islam Transnasional: Sebuah Nomenklatur, Sejarah dan Pengaruhnya di Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Aksa Aksa
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Transmission Lines ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The West ◽  
Islamic Revival ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right

Transnational Islamic movement is a terminology that belongs in the new academic study. The term has become a ' nomenclature ' is generally understood as an ideology that crosses state boundaries (nation state). The emergence of transnational Islamic movement's lively lately is part of an Islamic revival and renewal of an era that grew in the Middle East since the 18th century.  The post-war collapse of the Caliphate based in Ottoman Turkey in 1924, the movement has found the right momentum by forming new forces in conducting resistance against colonialism and imperialism of the West. Presence of transnational Islamic movement in Indonesia is part of the revivalism Islamic movement in the Middle East that directly make effect against the pattern of Islam in Indonesia. Transmission lines the ideas of this movement through the social movements, education and publications

Democracy and Openness

2006 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Anthony O'Hear
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
The West ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic System

During the recent Iraq war there was a great deal of discussion of the desirability of bringing democracy to Iraq, and indeed to other countries which were suffering under ruthless and oppressive dictatorships. There was also the thought that if Iraq had a flourishing democratic system, its benefits would become evident within the Middle East, and other peoples in the area would be encouraged to press for more democracy in their own countries. And critics who expressed doubts about any of this were accused of treating the people of the Middle East in a patronising way, implying that they were not able to do what we in the West have managed for some time.

The role of think tanks in influencing policy-making in Israel

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heba Gamal El Din
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
The Core ◽  
Core Issues

This paper examines the emergence and role of research think tanks in Israel, particularly with regard to their influence on policy-making. The establishment of the first think tanks coincided with the founding of the state, with their numbers increasing since the 1990s. This paper attempts to map these Israeli think tanks, which are classified under four categories: government, private or independent think tanks, political party think tanks, and academic think tanks (‘universities without students’). The paper is divided into two themes. The first considers the core issues of their interest against the existence of these think tanks in the Israeli parliamentary political system. The second applies both the quantitative and the qualitative features of these think tanks in an attempt to discover the extent of their influence within the process of decision-making in Israel.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document