ICT and Gender Inequality in the Middle East

2008 ◽  
pp. 3260-3273
Author(s):  
Ahmed El Gody
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Digital Divide ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Arab Population ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Ict Adoption ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Political Economic

Information communication technologies (ICT) have become an effective force for accelerating political, economic, and social development, decreasing poverty, and fostering trade and knowledge; however the uneven distribution, usage, and implementation of ICT resulted in what is known as the “digital divide” between those who have access to and utilization of information resources and those who do not (Internet.com, 2004). The Middle East, with the exception of Israel, is the least ICT connected area worldwide with only 1.4% of the global share (less than half of the world average of 5.2%). ICT adoption and access in the Arab world are far from adequate; only 6% of the Arab world population uses the Internet, while the penetration rate of personal computers is 2.4%, and less than 4 % of the Arab population has access to a ground telephone line (Ajeeb, 2006; NUA, 2005). The trend of globalization forced Arab countries to realize the power of ICT as one of the most important factors in achieving sustainable growth. During the past decade, genuine efforts have been implemented by Arab governments to utilize ICT; as of May 2005, every country in the Arab world (as seen in Table 1)—except Iraq and Libya—has a clear strategy or at least a plan for promoting ICT (Dutta & Coury, 2003). In her book, Technology Strategies for Putting Arab Countries on the Cyber Map, Reem Hunaidi (2002) stated that despite Arab world efforts to utilize ICT, Arabs are still far from bridging the digital divide. Hunaidi stated that the Arab world is still scoring low on the Digital Access Index (as seen in Table 2), adding that bridging the digital divide requires commitment from all development stakeholders, not only Arab governments. The Hunaidi study concluded that development should start within the Arab society through liberating Arab human capabilities, especially those of women questioning how a society can compete in an increasingly globalized world if half of its people remain marginalized (Hunaidi, 2002). The UNDP 2004 report on human development in the Arab world added to Hunaidi’s question stating that the first step in human ICT development is to bridge the gender divide within the Arab world and make use of the latent 50% of the Arab population. The Arab world has the lowest Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) worldwide next to Sub-Saharan Africa. Nancy Hafkin and Nancy Tagger (2001), in their study “Gender, Information Technology, and Developing Countries”, stated that the degree of gender bias can be vividly seen across the Arab region. Figures indicate that Arab users constitute 4% of Internet users in comparison to 22% of users in Asia, 25% in Europe, 38% in Latin America, and 50% in the United States. Hafkin and Tagger (2001) concluded that several challenges of socio-cultural, political, economic, and education disparities need to be addressed towards advancing Arab women’s active participation in the new networked information society.

ICT and Gender Inequality in the Middle East

2011 ◽  
pp. 772-779
Author(s):  
Ahmed El Gody
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Digital Divide ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Arab Population ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Ict Adoption ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Political Economic

Information communication technologies (ICT) have become an effective force for accelerating political, economic, and social development, decreasing poverty, and fostering trade and knowledge; however the uneven distribution, usage, and implementation of ICT resulted in what is known as the “digital divide” between those who have access to and utilization of information resources and those who do not (Internet.com, 2004). The Middle East, with the exception of Israel, is the least ICT connected area worldwide with only 1.4% of the global share (less than half of the world average of 5.2%). ICT adoption and access in the Arab world are far from adequate; only 6% of the Arab world population uses the Internet, while the penetration rate of personal computers is 2.4%, and less than 4 % of the Arab population has access to a ground telephone line (Ajeeb, 2006; NUA, 2005). The trend of globalization forced Arab countries to realize the power of ICT as one of the most important factors in achieving sustainable growth. During the past decade, genuine efforts have been implemented by Arab governments to utilize ICT; as of May 2005, every country in the Arab world (as seen in Table 1)—except Iraq and Libya—has a clear strategy or at least a plan for promoting ICT (Dutta & Coury, 2003). In her book, Technology Strategies for Putting Arab Countries on the Cyber Map, Reem Hunaidi (2002) stated that despite Arab world efforts to utilize ICT, Arabs are still far from bridging the digital divide. Hunaidi stated that the Arab world is still scoring low on the Digital Access Index (as seen in Table 2), adding that bridging the digital divide requires commitment from all development stakeholders, not only Arab governments. The Hunaidi study concluded that development should start within the Arab society through liberating Arab human capabilities, especially those of women questioning how a society can compete in an increasingly globalized world if half of its people remain marginalized (Hunaidi, 2002). The UNDP 2004 report on human development in the Arab world added to Hunaidi’s question stating that the first step in human ICT development is to bridge the gender divide within the Arab world and make use of the latent 50% of the Arab population. The Arab world has the lowest Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) worldwide next to Sub-Saharan Africa. Nancy Hafkin and Nancy Tagger (2001), in their study “Gender, Information Technology, and Developing Countries”, stated that the degree of gender bias can be vividly seen across the Arab region. Figures indicate that Arab users constitute 4% of Internet users in comparison to 22% of users in Asia, 25% in Europe, 38% in Latin America, and 50% in the United States. Hafkin and Tagger (2001) concluded that several challenges of socio-cultural, political, economic, and education disparities need to be addressed towards advancing Arab women’s active participation in the new networked information society.

Reforming Arab Reason

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 19-42
Author(s):  
Khalid Shibib
Keyword(s):  
Arab World ◽  
Legal Reasoning ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Religious Knowledge ◽  
Intrinsic Factors ◽  
Knowledge Based ◽  
Present Information ◽  
Cultural Construct ◽  
Political Economic

As a humanitarian worker who was professionally involved for decades in crisis- and war-shaken countries, the author strove to understand the political, socioeconomic, and cultural factors contributing to conflicts. This contextualization, with a focus on Arab countries, confirmed what other thinkers found: the majority of political, economic, social, cultural, religious, and finally humanitarian crises in the Arab world are man-made and can be attributed to both extrinsic and intrinsic factors. Central to the latter appears to be a shared cultural construct that can be termed “Arab reason.” This essay tries to present information on various aspects of the crisis; to understand why reform efforts come so late and why are they are more difficult for Arabs than for other Muslims. It continues by looking at the knowledge systems that govern Arab reason and their evolution, including the decisive role of the religious knowledge system. From there, it proposes some reform ideas including a renewed legal reasoning process with the goal of a future-oriented, knowledge-based, and inclusive Arab Islamic vision. A pragmatic way forward could be an additional unifying eighth legal school (madhhab/madhāhib) to counter sectarian conflicts and violence. This essay is built on a targeted literature search and is not a comprehensive review of the growing literature generated by distinguished thinkers on various aspects of Arab Islamic identity.

Pax Americana: Palestine and the Middle East in the Trump Era

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Mitri Raheb
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Pax Romana ◽  
Full Speed ◽  
Biblical Language

Abstract Peace between Israel and the Arab world appears to be progressing like never before. It started with the UAE, followed by Bahrain and Morocco, and then with Sudan. A “new” Middle East is finally becoming a reality. Yet, on the other hand, the colonization of Palestinian land is progressing at full speed ever since President Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and moved the American Embassy there. During both the Embassy move and the so-called Abraham Accords with Arab countries and throughout the Trump era, biblical language has been employed. This paper will examine these political developments and biblical connotations. At the heart of the issue lies the question of what constitutes real peace. This paper argues that ‘the deal of the century’ was a form of Pax Romana rather than Pax Christi.

Israel in the Middle East the Aftermath of the Arab Spring (2010-2017)

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Eyal Zisser
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sense Of Security ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring

This article describes how in the middle of the winter of 2010 the “Spring of the Arab Nations” suddenly erupted without any warning all over the Middle East. However, the momentum of the uprisings was impeded rather quickly, and the hopes held out for the “Spring of the Arab Nations” turned into frustration and disappointment. While many Israelis were focusing their attention in surprise, and some, with doubt and concern as well about what was happening in the region around them; suddenly, in Israel itself, at the height of the steamy summer of 2011, an “Israeli Spring” broke out. The protesters were young Israelis belonging to the Israeli middle class. Their demands revolved around the slogan, “Let us live in our land.” However, similar to what happened in the Arab world, the Israeli protest subsided little by little. The hassles of daily life and security and foreign affairs concerns once more became the focus of the public's attention. Therefore, the protesters' hopes were disappointed, and Israel's political, economic, and social order remained unshaken. Thus, towards the end of 2017, the memory of the “Israeli spring” was becoming faded and forgotten. However, while the Arab world was sinking into chaos marked by an ever deepening economic and social crisis that deprived its citizens of any sense of security and stability, Israel, by contrast, was experiencing years of stability in both political and security spheres, as well as economic growth and prosperity. This stability enabled Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party to remain in power and to maintain the political and social status-quo in Israel.

scholarly journals Digital oases and digital deserts in Sub-Saharan Africa

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Wentrup ◽  
Patrik Ström ◽  
H. Richard Nakamura
Keyword(s):  
Digital Divide ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Online Service ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Service Usage ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Internet Firms ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
Sub Saharan

Purpose – This paper aims to investigate whether Sub-Saharan African countries are catching up with the rest of the world in terms of online usage. Online service usage is an important component of the discourse of the “digital divide”, an emblematic term for the inequality of information and communication technology access. Design/methodology/approach – This paper is a quantitative analysis of internet and Facebook penetration coupled with economic strength (GDP/capita), literacy and degree of rural population. Findings – The findings reveal a heterogeneous pattern with a few African countries being digital oases and close to European levels, whereas the majority of the countries are still digital deserts. A strong correlation is found between economic strength and internet penetration. A generalist picture that Sub-Saharan is on the trajectory of closing the digital divide is an imprecise reflection of the reality. Research limitations/implications – It is argued that instead of measuring supply-side data, which has been the trend till now, the use of demand-side elements such as online service usage tells more about digital inequalities between countries. Practical implications – The research encourages internet firms to open up their eyes for Sub-Saharan Africa as an investment opportunity with an untapped gap of online usage. Social implications – The three-billion internet users on the planet are unevenly spread and under-represented in Africa. By drawing a heterogeneous online usage landscape, digital policy can be accurately steered toward countries with the largest needs. Originality/value – There is a paucity of research going into the depth of online usage in Africa. The paper is a contribution to fill that gap.

scholarly journals Perspektywy i wyzwania demokracji na przykładzie liberalnego nurtu islamu

2018 ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jędrzejczyk-Kuliniak
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Religious Fundamentalism ◽  
Islamic Revival ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revival Movement

The religious and cultural system of Islam is not a monolith, although it cannot be claimed that there are many Islams. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the trend of religious fundamentalism has predominated in public opinion. However, this is only one of many forms of Islam. Its other extreme is the liberal one. These two religious interpretations are rather hostile towards one another, which finds reflection in the values each preaches. The movement of Islamic revival is connected with liberal thinking and it goes beyond the Arab countries. It can also be observed in Europe and the Muslim countries in Asia. Each movement is specific and tries to face up to different social and political issues. Given the deficit of democracy and the existence of authoritarian governments in the Middle East, the revival movement of the Arab world provides the best opportunity to scrutinize the challenges and development opportunities for democracy. This tendency is becoming an increasingly significant political force in the Middle East. Its representatives are also referred to as Muslim centrists, democrats or liberal Muslim reformers. They base their visions of political development on the social doctrine of Islam, stemming from the nahda movement, and from the ‘re-opening of the ijtihad’. The paper presents the values of liberal Islam, including the Muslim concept of democracy, social justice, sovereignty, freedom and the equality of women. The purpose of the paper is also to outline the main challenges related to the liberalization of Islam.

scholarly journals Europe and the Arab World

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-108
Author(s):  
Amr G. E. Sabet
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Global Capitalism ◽  
Arab State ◽  
Traditional System

Concise, succinct, and informative, this book skillfully elucidates andassesses the patterns, prospects, and complexities of Arab-European relationscontextualized in a globalizing (read “Americanizing”) world. It alsoidentifies the ambiguities and limitations of social movements and struggleswithin the Arab world, as well as their implications for mutual relationships(p. vi). The authors’ main thesis is that both global capitalism and theAmerican determination to construct a “new” Middle East in its own imagehave undermined the possibilities of domestic reforms and external realignmentsin most Arab countries. American hegemonic influence, together withthe growing sway of politicized Islam on public life, have added more limitationsand constraints to other failures to transform the underlying economicand political structures defining the relations between members onboth sides of the Mediterranean.The book comprises four chapters: three written by Amin (chapters 1, 2,and 4), and one (chapter 3) by El Kenz. The first chapter is a critical surveyof conditions in the Arab world in general and that of the Arab “state” in particular.Amin designates the latter structure as a manifestation of “mamelukepower,” reflecting a complex traditional system that has merged the personalizedpower of warlords, businessmen, and men of religion (p. 3). The Arabstate, he argues, has never really embraced or understood modernity. Egypt,Syria, and the Ottoman Empire underwent a first phase of ineffective modernizationduring the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The secondphase was associated with the populist nationalism of Nasserism, Baathism,and the Algerian revolution between the 1950s and 1970s. With the end ofthis phase, a multiparty system gave way to a paradoxical regression into themameluke type of autocracy (pp. 10-12). Whereas Europe broke with itspast, which allowed for its modern progress, the Arabs have not. Amin identifiesmodernity with such a historical break as well as with secularism, thedifferentiation of religion and politics, the emancipation of women, and therest of the term’s conventional elements (pp. 2-3).He criticizes currents “claiming to be Islamic” (p. 6), particularly thoseof the Wahhabi type, viewing Islamic militant groups as manifestations of arevolt against “destructive” capitalism and “deceptive” modernity (p. 6),more interested in sociopolitical issues than in matters of theology. Amin dismissesIran as being no different, although he provides no details (p. 8), and ...

scholarly journals Migratismi di moda

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacopo Ferrari
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Italian Literature ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Immigrant Communities ◽  
Compound Words ◽  
Semantic Fields ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Literature Of Migration ◽  
Sub Saharan

The lexicon of immigrant writers in Italy is full of words derived from their mother tongues. Among the semantic fields most involved is undoubtedly that of fashion. We find many clothes, dresses, fabrics typical of the areas of emigration to Italy: Arab world, states of sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East and Asia. Some of these are attested in Italian for a long time now (burnus, fez, sari); others are very recent, in correlation with migration and the presence of immigrant communities in Italy. The term ‘migratismo’ has been proposed for this class of words. Some ‘migratismi’ have already spread in Italian and recorded in vocabularies (for example the veils of Islamic women: burqa, hijab, niqab). Their circulation has produced derived and compound words (burkini, antiburqa). Others are well detectable in the italian literature of migration, where the authors explain the meaning with a gloss or in a note. Searches in archives and databases allow to understand the real circulation of these words.

Diaspora, Remittances and Dependence on Arab Countries: A Case of Pakistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-84
Author(s):  
Syed Zohaib Abbas Rizvi ◽  
Sobia Jamil ◽  
Ali Imran Shaikh
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Balance Of Payments ◽  
Huge Number ◽  
Kingdom Of Saudi Arabia ◽  
Question Mark ◽  
Dependency Model

This paper has formulated a model by the name of DRADM i.e. Diaspora-Remittances-Arab Dependency Model while studying the literature pertinent to the modes of remittance, sectarianism and the Pakistani diaspora in the Middle-East. Pakistan is home of a large Shi’a population second only to Iran and this community regularly visits the holy shrines in Iran, Syria and Iraq forming a heartily connection with these countries. Contrarily, the Sunni Arab world hosts a huge number of Pakistani workers who send a significant part of their salaries back to Pakistan. These remittances act as a viable source of foreign exchange and help in balance of payments each year. Since the former group (Shi’a) is influenced by Iran and the latter (Sunni) by Saudi Arabia, Pakistan finds itself in a flux. In its bid to make a balance between Iran and Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), how Pakistan would manage its staggering economy with headship of Islamic military coalition, is a big question mark. With the help of published secondary data from governmental and other institutions this study examines the co-relation between remittances from Arab World and sectarianism (inside Pakistan and in Middle East) and its impact on the foreign policy of Pakistan.

Gender Disproportion And Political Representation: Case Studies Of Egypt And Morocco

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-175
Author(s):  
Yasir Saeed
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Quota System ◽  
Arab Population ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Arab Societies

The study was carried out Gender Disproportion and Political Representation: Case Studies of Egypt and Morocco. It is the topic which encompasses socio-politicaleconomic conditions of the women in Arab countries, and their different obstacles in achieving the appropriate status in society. This paper investigates the role of Arab women in politics. Content Analysis was used as a methodology for analysis of different theoretical approaches. Morocco and Egypt were selected as a case study in order to analyze women political conditions in Arab world. Combinations of patriarchy, conservative religious interpretations and cultural stereotypes have built a very strong psychological barrier among Arab population regarding women’s participation in the public sphere. The hierarchy of patriarchal tribal structure of several Arab societies in the history was another factor that contributed to this state of affairs. It is argued in the paper that the quota system is the only solution which may provide better representation of women in political sphere. At the end, researcher summed up by giving some suggestions for the prosperous future of Arab world.

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