scholarly journals Gerakan Islam Transnasional: Sebuah Nomenklatur, Sejarah dan Pengaruhnya di Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Aksa Aksa

Transnational Islamic movement is a terminology that belongs in the new academic study. The term has become a ' nomenclature ' is generally understood as an ideology that crosses state boundaries (nation state). The emergence of transnational Islamic movement's lively lately is part of an Islamic revival and renewal of an era that grew in the Middle East since the 18th century.  The post-war collapse of the Caliphate based in Ottoman Turkey in 1924, the movement has found the right momentum by forming new forces in conducting resistance against colonialism and imperialism of the West. Presence of transnational Islamic movement in Indonesia is part of the revivalism Islamic movement in the Middle East that directly make effect against the pattern of Islam in Indonesia. Transmission lines the ideas of this movement through the social movements, education and publications

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Aksa Aksa

Transnational Islamic movement is a terminology that belongs in the new academic study. The term 'nomenclature', generally the ideology they have crossed the State boundary of the critical limits stretcher (Nation state). The emergence of transnational Islamic movement's lively lately is part of an Islamic revival and renewal of the Era that grew in the Middle East since the 18th century. The post-war collapse of the Caliphate based in Ottoman Turkey in 1924. The transnational Islamic movement has found its momentum by forming new forces in conducting resistance against colonialism and imperialism of the West. Presence of Transnational Islamic movement in Indonesia is part of the revivalisms Islamic movement in the Middle East and influenced directly against the pattern of Islam in Indonesia. Transmission line ideas Islamism is at least via the social movements, education, and publications.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


Author(s):  
S.N. Korusenko

This paper aims at reconstructing the genealogy of Siberian Tatars of Knyazevs (Western Siberia), identifying the origins of their surname, which is not characteristic of the Tatars, and at analysis of the influence of socio-political and socio-economical processes in Russia in the 18th through 20th centuries on the social transformation of the family. The sources were represented by the materials of the Inventory Revision Book of Tarsky District of 1701 and census surveys of the end of 18th through 19th centuries, which allowed tracing the Knyazev family through the genealogical succession and identifying social status of its members. In this work, recordkeeping ma-terials of the 18th–20th centuries and contemporary genealogical and historical traditions of the Tatars have been utilized. In the research, the method of genealogical reconstructions by archival materials and their correlation with genealogies of modern population has been used. The history of the Knyazev family is inextricably linked to the history of modern village of Bernyazhka — one of the earliest settlements of the Ayalintsy (a group of the Si-berian Tatars) in the territory of the Tarsky Irtysh land which became the home to the Knyazevs for more than three centuries. The 1701Inventory Revision Book cites Itkuchuk Buchkakov as a local power broker of the Aya-lynsky Tatars in the village. During the 18th century, this position was inherited by his descendants who eventually lost this status in the beginning of the 19th century in the course of the managerial reforms by the Russian gov-ernment. Nevertheless, the social status of the members of the gens remained high. In the mid. 19th century, the village moved — the villagers resettled from the right bank of the River Irtysh onto the left one. As the result, the village was situated nearby the main road connecting the cities of Omsk and Tara. At the same time, the village became the center of the Ayalynskay region. That led to the strengthening of the social status and property en-richment of the descendants of Itkuchuk Buchkakov. The Knyzevs’ surname first appeared in the materials of the First All-Russia Census Survey of 1897. Some of the descendants signed up under this surname later in the Soviet period. During the Soviet years, members of the Knyzev’s gens had different destinies: some worked in the local government, whereas the others were subjected to political repressions and executed. Knyazevs took part in the Great Patriotic War and seven of them perished. Presently there are no descendants of the Knyazevs in Bernyazhka as they spread over the villages of the Omskaya Region, some living in Omsk and other towns of Russia and abroad.


Author(s):  
William K. Malcolm

Mitchell’s early fiction writing is analysed as a modern take on Arabian Fantasy mixing realism and mysticism and forging a strong spirit of place from memories of his army service in the middle east, particularly his principal posting in post-war Cairo. Mitchell’s story-cycles appear stylistically dated, but his experimentation, particularly with first person narrative, anticipates several of the signature features of his mature fiction style. The social and political temper of this early work is also seen to be reflective of his mature humanitarianism, in the subtle denunciation of colonialism and in the socialist utopianism seen at play throughout the narrative.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-316
Author(s):  
Rabab El-Mahdi ◽  
Ellen Lust

The nation-state is in crisis. The increasing mobility of capital and information, unprecedented waves of people moving across borders, and rise of actors, such as ISIS, unwilling to abide by the rules of the Westphalian system, challenge the very notion of territoriality, citizenship, sovereignty, and the state's monopoly over the legitimate use of force. Studies on the Middle East and North Africa since the Arab uprisings took the region by storm, upending “conventional wisdom” held by many political scientists and scholars, have focused largely on the causes, genealogy, and procedural outcomes of the events. These are important, but as we shall see, the uprisings also highlighted the need to think carefully about how the modern state has changed, is being adapted, or has been superseded. How is the “state,” a foundational conceptual construct in the social sciences, to be located in light of these events? And to what extent do the concepts we employ and the language we use accurately reflect and allow us to interrogate realities, or do they obscure them? This roundtable aims to spark this much-needed discussion.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-206
Author(s):  
Ahmad Jamil Azem

This paper shows how the American planning for the war in Iraq of 2003 lacked the use of major academic and scientific disciplines. Some basic theories and principles in the field of nationalism and ethnicity studies as well as the field of Middle Eastern studies were supposed to guide the planning for the post-war era in a better way. The goals of the war were originally very ambitious and included ‘conflict transformation’ which implies facilitating changes in the social and political structure of Iraq and the Middle East, but it has now changed to the more modest goal of ‘conflict management’ which focuses on containing violence.


1992 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 15-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haldun Gülalp

The recent rise of Islamic Radicalism in the Middle East is generally associated with anti-Western sentiment and interpreted as a continuation of the traditional conflict between Christian and Islamic civilizations. It is thought to reflect a traditionalist opposition to the modernization process which originated in the West and then was introduced to the Islamic countries (for an example of this literature, see Youssef, 1985). But this view cannot explain the historical timing and specificity of the current Islamic political revival. In this paper I suggest that Islamic radicalism is not a traditionalist plea to return to a pre-modern era. Quite the contrary, it is a product of the contradictions of Third World modernization and represents a post-modern reaction to the specific form of modernization experienced by the Islamic Third World. In the Islamic countries, where modernization has been synonymous with westernization, the response to the contradictions of modernization has taken the form of a “politics of identity.”


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yuanda Zara

Worried with the rise of modernist Muslim movement coming from the Middle East, in 1925 Netherlands Indies Government issued and applied Teacher Ordinance (Goeroe Ordonnantie) in several regions in Netherlands Indies. It stipulated, among others, that every Muslim teacher must report himself to district head so that the district head could immediately issue a letter of identification, that Islamic teachers must keep the list of their students and religious subjects given to them, and the situation in which the right of teaching would be canceled, for example if the Islamic teachers provoke their students to condemn the Government. The Ordinance had been successfully applied and the Government planned to extend it to other regions, including West Sumatra. Yet, the majority of Islamic teachers throughout West Sumatra refused the plan. The refusal against 1925 Teacher Ordinance, in the form of mass demonstration and negotiation, influenced almost all of Islamic teachers in West Sumatra and reduced existing social and religious gaps in Minangkabau society due to the same feeling of dissatisfaction. Eventually, the Government canceled the application plan of the Ordinance in West Sumatra, showing the effectiveness of the social movement organized by Islamic teachers in West Sumatra. Keywords: Teacher Ordinance, social movement, Islamic teachers, West Sumatera, Islam and colonialism


2018 ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jędrzejczyk-Kuliniak

The religious and cultural system of Islam is not a monolith, although it cannot be claimed that there are many Islams. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the trend of religious fundamentalism has predominated in public opinion. However, this is only one of many forms of Islam. Its other extreme is the liberal one. These two religious interpretations are rather hostile towards one another, which finds reflection in the values each preaches. The movement of Islamic revival is connected with liberal thinking and it goes beyond the Arab countries. It can also be observed in Europe and the Muslim countries in Asia. Each movement is specific and tries to face up to different social and political issues. Given the deficit of democracy and the existence of authoritarian governments in the Middle East, the revival movement of the Arab world provides the best opportunity to scrutinize the challenges and development opportunities for democracy. This tendency is becoming an increasingly significant political force in the Middle East. Its representatives are also referred to as Muslim centrists, democrats or liberal Muslim reformers. They base their visions of political development on the social doctrine of Islam, stemming from the nahda movement, and from the ‘re-opening of the ijtihad’. The paper presents the values of liberal Islam, including the Muslim concept of democracy, social justice, sovereignty, freedom and the equality of women. The purpose of the paper is also to outline the main challenges related to the liberalization of Islam.


2019 ◽  
pp. 299-307
Author(s):  
Oleh RADCHENKO

The peculiarities of legal regulation of pension provision of servicemen and their families on the territory of modern Ukraine in the XVIII–XX centuries are investigated. In particular, it has been established that for the first time the right to pension provision was regulated by Peter I in 1720 in the Marine Statute, which provided service pension, disability pension and survivor’s pension. It was also determined that during the royal period, the provision of pensions was not properly arranged. The new pension system for servicemen began to be built up after the overthrow of the tsarist regime, which was the reason for the October Revolution of the Bolsheviks, but it was far from perfect. Consolidation of the right to pension, its types and conditions of appointment at the normative level did not mean the receipt of pensions. From 1919 till 1924, pension provision for servicemen and their families on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR developed as a republican, in accordance with the regulations of the normative legal acts adopted by the SNK of the UkrSSR, and from 1924, all-Union bodies were formed, therefore further legislation, in particular the one that concerned pension provision, has developed not as a republican, but as all-union. It was also found out that despite the fact that in the period of the Great Patriotic War and the post-war period, the social security of servicemen in general, and pensions in particular, were placed in priority areas, their financial situation and members of their families were at a very low level. It has been established that a number of features of retirement provision for servicemen and members of their families, established in pre-Soviet and Soviet periods, have survived to the present. In particular, it is relevant to types of pensions, stimulation of a later retirement, and differentiation of the size of the pension depending on the disability group, etc.


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