scholarly journals Restorations in post-war period

Author(s):  
Martina Jelínková

Abstract The choice of the monument care methodology depends not only on the preference of the author of the restoration or the opinion of a professional monument commission, but also on the state in which the historic building is and historical stages it developed through. After the Second World War, much of the architectural historical heritage in the territory of the former Czechoslovakia was devastated, and the then professional society faced challenges of how to restore and preserve these destroyed buildings. The following article explains the starting points and selected methods of post-war monument care on the example of three churches in the former Czechoslovakia. Buildings selected for comparison originated in approximately the same epoch, underwent a rather complex building developments, and the extent of their damage was also similar. Specifically, we focus on the Church of St. Catherine of Alexandria in Handlová, the Church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary in Bíňa and the Church of the Virgin Mary and the Holy Slavic Patrons in Prague. Although the three compared cases show similarities, different restoration methodologies were used. The majority opinion of the then professional public tended towards reconstructing historic buildings to the state before their destruction, as is also evident in the cases being compared. Nevertheless, each of the churches is restored with some deviations from the original condition. In the case of the church in Bíňa, we follow traces of a purist reconstruction, in Prague we witness a restoration by indicative reconstruction, also applied in Handlová, where, moreover, the methodology of reconstruction to the state before destruction was completely abandoned. Our ambition is to point out the diversity of opinion in the care of monuments, which at that time saw a change in paradigm and began to accept authors’ new inputs while preserving the historical essence of the building.

2006 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-241
Author(s):  
Michael A. Hennessy

Abstract Twice before the Second World War the Canadian merchant marine had collapsed in the face of competing conceptions of empire and commercial interest. Though once home to a thriving merchant fleet, the passing of the age of sail marked Canada's decline as a maritime nation. Most of the surviving merchant fleet sailed under British registry, employing British crews and officers. During the Second World War, Canada rebuilt its merchant marine. As the war drew to a close, the state, labour and enterprise supported the framing of a Canadian maritime policy to preserve the merchant shipping capacity developed during the war. The fleet's ambiguous origins, conflicting national trade policy, the absence of a laissez-faire international shipping market, the rise of cold-war tensions and the very peculiar problems of trade to the sterling bloc savaged post-war efforts to maintain the fleet. The timing and nature of the collapse were particularly Canadian. Barriers to currency convertibility, carriage restrictions, and high labour and production costs, proved formidable obstacles which representatives of the Canadian state were very largely powerless to overcome. In combination, these elements, rather than some invisible hand, explain why Canadian ship owners led the way in abandoning their national flag and why the state helped them. Sole attribution for the death of the merchant marine should no longer fall to unfavourable labour costs or union activism.


Author(s):  
Guy Woodward

Though it had not suffered the devastation inflicted on much of the rest of Europe, the emerging southern Irish state faced huge challenges over the decades following the end of the Second World War. Economic growth was poor; a largely agricultural economy had been crippled during the war by tariffs imposed by its most important market and former colonial ruler Britain. The population of the Republic of Ireland declined during the 1950s due to emigration but recovered during the 1960s and 1970s. Fianna Fáil dominated the Irish political scene following independence and governed for twenty-five of the thirty-five years from 1945 to 1980. Leader of the party since its formation in 1926, Éamon de Valera had led the state through the Second World War and remained as Taoiseach until 1948, returning from 1951 to 1954 and again from 1957 to 1959, before serving two terms as president from 1959 to 1973. John A. Costello’s Fine Gael government declared Ireland a republic in 1948 and took the state out of the British Commonwealth the following year. The British government’s Ireland Act of 1949 reacted to the legal implications of these developments but was most notable for its guarantee that Northern Ireland would remain within the United Kingdom unless the Stormont Parliament decided otherwise. The southern state joined the United Nations in 1955 and the European Economic Community in 1973, concluding a process instigated by de Valera’s successor as Taoiseach, the economic reformer Seán Lemass, who took steps to remove protectionist barriers and open up Ireland to foreign direct investment. This remained a socially conservative period, however, during which the influence of the Catholic Church was strong. Irish–British relations were often tense. Northern Ireland’s devolved Parliament in Stormont, dominated by a Unionist party, was largely hostile to any kind of engagement with the southern state. Following the flaring of sectarian violence in the late 1960s and early 1970s and the beginning of the thirty-year-long conflict popularly known as “The Troubles,” Westminster deployed the army in 1969 and imposed direct rule in 1973. The province had benefited from some social reforms introduced by the British Labour government of 1945, however, especially the Education (Northern Ireland) Act of 1947, which introduced compulsory secondary education until the age of fifteen, enabling new postwar generations of underprivileged, often Catholic young people to continue to university; beneficiaries included Seamus Heaney and Seamus Deane. The conservative social climate in the southern state proved uncongenial to radical creative expression, and most of the preeminent figures in postwar Irish writing saw their work banned at this time. Many significant foreign works of literature were also banned, restricting the flow of cultural material into Ireland. Several Irish writers migrated to England in the 1950s and 1960s, including William Trevor, John McGahern, and Edna O’Brien. However, in the postwar period, arts and literature began to receive sustained government support both north and south of the border: the Arts Council of Ireland (An Chomhairle Ealaíon) was founded in 1951, and the Arts Council of Northern Ireland grew out of the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts in Northern Ireland, which had been established in 1943 to encourage public interest in the arts. This article does not cover drama, which is addressed in the separate Oxford Bibliographies entry Post-War Irish Drama.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 659-674
Author(s):  
Ilya A. Pomiguev ◽  
Eldar R. Salakhetdinov

The paper analyses the politics of memory of the World War II (WWII) in socialist Yugoslavia and compares the corresponding commemorative practices in the post-Yugoslav republics. The focus is on the design of holidays and memorial dates that reflect the symbolic and valuable attitudes of society, as well as the trajectory of nation-building. The formation of the state metanarrative in post-war Yugoslavia was closely related to the monopolisation of the leadership roles of the national liberation war by the communists, who united the six South Slavic nations in their struggle against the Nazi invaders. The state holidays and memorial days were derived from the history of resistance to foreign occupiers and internal enemies in order to legitimise and strengthen the triumph of the new socialist order. Alternative Yugoslavian non-communist movements, especially the Ustash and Chetniks who were potentially capable of competing in the symbolic field, were declared class enemies, reactionary elements, and quislings. As the processes of disintegration increased in socialist Yugoslavia, there were several attempts to revise its ideological attitudes and symbolic heritage of WWII. Nevertheless, as the study shows these attempts became, rather, a marginal phenomenon, and most post-Yugoslav states retained the commemorative, albeit de-ideologised, practices of the previous period.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-203
Author(s):  
Jeremy Haselock

George Bell is perhaps best known today as an ecumenist, for his courageous criticism of the saturation bombing of German cities during the Second World War, and for awakening the church in Europe to its vital role in post-war reconciliation and reconstruction. This international reputation has masked his many other talents and achievements as a diocesan bishop, not least his work in the field of pastoral liturgy. He had very early contact with the Continental leaders of the Liturgical Movement and became an active promoter of their aims, encouraging liturgical awareness among the parish clergy of his diocese and beyond.


Author(s):  
Tomislav Branković

The Communist Party based its attitude to religion on Marxism-Leninism as a scientific and theoretical framework. As a critical theory of the capitalist society Marxism examined the phenomenon of religion and religious feelings in civil society and designed a project of a future socialist society. One can say that Marxism looks at the phenomenon of religion from the angle of a class society, from a materialistic viewpoint and while using the historical research method. The source of religion is in man’s alienation first from himself, then from other people and, finally, from society itself. Marxism surpasses the criticisms of religion dating back to the Enlightenment as well as the vulgar-marxist criticisms that associated religion and religious feeling with human ignorance and delusion. Marxism places religion into the historical framework including the social and economic setting which is changing, developing and thus producing or bringing about changes in religious consciousness. In their practice, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia or what was later the League of Communists of Yugoslavia had an attitude to religion and the church that was a mixture of some original Marxism but also, in much larger measure, of dogmatic, Leninist-Marxist and most often administrative –pragmatic stands which suited the then balance of political power in the state or at lower administrative levels. This attitude was also conditioned by the situation in the party, the state, Yugoslavia’s international position, the situation in the church, etc. In this context, one can say that in the actual laws and regulations governing the legal status of the church and the issue of the religious rights and liberties of citizens the atheist approach predominated, i.e. the approach that was solely and exclusively determined in relation to God. This approach seems to have predominated due to the negative experience gained by the workers’ movement in Yugoslavia between the two World Wars as well as during the course of the Second World War when the majority of church activists adopted a negative attitude to the National Liberation Movement (NLM). The process of atheization which was launched immediately following the end of the Second World War, in addition to formally playing a major role in establishing and giving legitimacy to the new social system of government, was also ongoing, in terms of its attitude to the churches, on at least two levels: 1) depoliticization of all religious communities; and 2) supression of the idea that religious attributes should be identified as national attributes in the established and traditional churches and religious communities (Serbian Orthodox Church, Roman Catholic Church, Islamic Religious Community).


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-106
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Newman

AbstractThis article describes the work of the Youth Section of the WUPJ (the World Union for Progressive Judaism) in Europe soon after the Second World War and the establishment of the State of Israel, with especial attention to the influence of Rabbi Lionel Blue. It covers tensions between generations over how to ‘teach’ Judaism; the astonishing numbers of rabbinical students recruited; ways we ‘encountered’ the Bible; the first post-war youth conference in Germany; early meetings with young Jews from Eastern Europe; first encounters with Muslims; and particularly the Six-Day War. The changes this brought about through Netzer and the shift in focus towards a more Israel-centred ideology are described. Finally, the conclusion is drawn that only ongoing messianic or prophetic ideals keep Judaism alive.


Author(s):  
Andrzej Szczepański

After the Second World War, according to various sources, there were between 3.5 and 4.5 million citizens of the former German Third Reich within the borders of Poland. According to the agreements of the so-called Big Three, made during the Yalta and Potsdam conferences, this population was to be resettled within the borders of post-war Germany. The mass deportation actions lasted from 1946 to 1949 and covered the vast majority of the population, but still about 200,000 people remained in their previous places of residence. In the following years of the existence of "People's Poland", they also gradually left the country, emigrating to the West. The primary objective of this paper was to attempt to characterize ethnic policy towards the German population in the post-war Poland. Over the years, the attitude of the state towards this group has fluctuated considerably, being characterized both by repressive measures and by the possibility of enjoying a relatively undisturbed existence.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Nicholson

This is the second volume in a new paperback edition of Steve Nicholson’s well-reviewed four-volume analysis of British theatre censorship from 1900-1968, based on previously undocumented material in the Lord Chamberlain's Correspondence Archives in the British Library and the Royal Archives at Windsor. It covers the period from 1933 to 1952, and focuses on theatre censorship during the period before the outbreak of the Second World War, during the war itself, and in the immediate post-war period. The focus is primarily on political and moral censorship. The book documents and analyses the control exercised by the Lord Chamberlain. It also reviews the pressures exerted on him and on the theatre by the government, the monarch, the Church, foreign embassies and by influential public figures and organisations. This new edition includes a contextualising timeline for those readers who are unfamiliar with the period, and a new preface.


Author(s):  
Ида Александровна Шик

В статье автор ставит целью проследить эволюцию репрезентации образа Ленинграда в фарфоре 1930-х – начала 1950-х годов на материале произведений мастеров Государственного фарфорового завода им. М.В. Ломоносова из собрания Государственного Эрмитажа (отдел «Музей Императорского фарфорового завода»). В 1930-х – начале 1950-х годов виды Ленинграда привлекают внимание таких художников, как В.П. Фрезе, Т.Н. Безпалова-Михалева, М.А. Брянцева, И.И. Ризнич, Л.И. Лебединская, Е.П. Кубарская, А.Ф. Большаков, Г.Д. Зимин, А.И. Быстров. В фарфоре 1930-х годов складывается советская «иконография» Ленинграда, подчеркивающая его значение как «колыбели революции» и города с богатым культурно-историческим наследием. В произведениях военного периода, посвященных блокадному Ленинграду, находят отражение трагические события в жизни города, переданные с особенным драматизмом и высокой степенью достоверности. В то же время художники стремятся подчеркнуть величие города и мужество его защитников. Во второй половине 1940-х – начале 1950-х годов образ города-героя Ленинграда приобретает особую величественность и монументальность, характерную для стиля «Победа» в советском декоративно-прикладном искусстве. In the article, the researcher investigated the evolution of the Leningrad image representation in the art porcelain of the 1930s – the early 1950s. The author considered the pieces of porcelain artists of the State Porcelain Factory named after M. V. Lomonosov from the collection of the Museum of the Imperial Porcelain Factory of the State Hermitage. In the 1930s – the early 1950s such porcelain artists as Varvara Freze, Tamara Bezpalova-Mikhaleva, Maria Briantseva, Ivan Riznich, Larisa Lebedinskaia, Elena Kubarskaia, Andrey Bol’shakov, Grigory Zimin, Aleksandr Bystrov interpreted the image of Leningrad in their works. The researcher underlined that in the 1930s the artists created the Soviet “iconography”, emphasizing its importance as the “cradle of the revolution” and a city with a rich cultural and historical heritage. In the works of the war period, dedicated to besieged Leningrad, the artists reflected the tragic events in the life of the city with a special drama and a high degree of reliability. At the same time, the artists aimed to emphasize the greatness of the city and the courage of its defenders. In the second half of the 1940s – the early 1950s the image of the Hero-City of Leningrad acquired a special grandeur and monumentality in the works of the porcelain artists. These tendencies were generally typical for the “Victory style” (“Pobeda style”) dominating in the Soviet decorative and applied art after the Second World War.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.


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