Early School Leaving in Greece and Europe and Educational Inequality: Actions and Policies against Educational and Social Exclusion

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 212-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Souzanna-Maria Nikolaou ◽  
Monika Papa ◽  
Lela Gogou

Abstract A key issue regarding the educational policy in Greece and the European Union is the early leaving of the school. On the one hand, rises the problem of under-birth that some developed countries face and, on the other, the existence of economically and socially non-productive people, who nevertheless consist a part of the society. In our time and more than ever, society must overcome various obstacles in order to achieve the development and sustainable growth which is also Europe’s strategy for this decade. In the this study the authors examine early school drop-out by focusing on the social causes and on the research findings that have been carried out, indicating measures and strategies for prevention and treatment. A second part of the study concerns the presentation of the European Union's educational policies in the context of the Europe 2020 strategy, with the aim of showing the progress of the strategic actions in the education of Greece. Our study shows that the EU member states are making great efforts in order to achieve the best possible result in education in the shortest possible time: That is, to form efficient teachers and schools by emphasizing and empowering the elimination of social and educational exclusions, as an integral part of the pursuit of progress and development of the society and the economy.

Author(s):  
Souzanna-Maria Nikolaou ◽  
Monika Papa ◽  
Lela Gogou

A key issue regarding the educational policy in Greece and the European Union is the early leaving of the school. On the one hand, rises the problem of under-birth that some developed countries face and, on the other, the existence of economically and socially non-productive people, who nevertheless consist a part of the society. In our time and more than ever, society must overcome various obstacles in order to achieve the development and sustainable growth which is also Europe’s strategy for this decade. In the this study the authors examine early school drop-out by focusing on the social causes and on the research findings that have been carried out, indicating measures and strategies for prevention and treatment. A second part of the study concerns the presentation of the European Union's educational policies in the context of the Europe 2020 strategy, with the aim of showing the progress of the strategic actions in the education of Greece. Our study shows that the EU member states are making great efforts in order to achieve the best possible result in education in the shortest possible time: That is, to form efficient teachers and schools by emphasizing and empowering the elimination of social and educational exclusions, as an integral part of the pursuit of progress and development of the society and the economy.


Author(s):  
Niamh Hardiman ◽  
David M. Farrell ◽  
Eoin Carolan ◽  
John Coakley ◽  
Aidan Regan ◽  
...  

Modern Ireland is a relatively wealthy and politically stable democracy, but it bears the deep marks of its route to this point. This introductory chapter draws together some key themes that run through this volume and profiles the core contributions of each of its chapters. The overall story is one of contradictory influences. The political institutions of the state, notwithstanding much innovation over time, retain a bias toward a remarkably strong executive. The long-standing weaknesses of social democratic electoral mobilization both reflect and reinforce a conservative and market-oriented tilt in policy priorities. The ideas that animate public discourse show a creative but sometimes problematic tension between republican and communitarian ideals on the one hand, and liberal ideas and values on the other. Ireland has assumed a confident role on the world stage and especially within the European Union (EU), but relations with its nearest neighbour, the United Kingdom, can often be problematic, not least because of the complexity of the politics of Northern Ireland. And while on many measures Ireland is among the wealthiest of the EU member states, this is not the lived reality for a great many of its citizens, and the nuances of why this is so need to be carefully assessed. Overall, this introductory chapter offers an overview of the whole Handbook while also making an original contribution in its own right.


Finisterra ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (79) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucília Caetano

Although the educational level of the population has improved considerably over the last decades, Portugal still lags far behind the other European countries. Premature school drop-out, along with high retention rates, appear to be the main reasons for this. Consequently, Portugal is the EU country with the largest percentage of workers with low educational levels, and the Central Region of Portugal is the one with the least favourable record. Indeed, in spite of the positive evolution egistered among the youngest, it is still disturbing to find that only 27.1% (61.8% in the EU) of the economically active young peoplebetween the ages of 15 and 24 finished their secondary education or pursued vocational training and that 3% did not even finish the first cycle of basic education. This situation inevitably hinders the formation of human capital, prevents the expansion of productivity and curbs the competitiveness of the productive fabric,as well as economic growth.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (02) ◽  
pp. 373-388
Author(s):  
Oksana Vinska ◽  
Volodymyr Tokar

Purpose – The article aims at discovering classes and clusters of EU member-states considering their levels of economic development and gender equality to foster the enhancement of EU cohesion policy. Research methodology – The methodology includes the grouping by two parameters, economic development and gender equality, and the cluster analysis, the “far neighbor principle”, agglomerative hierarchical classification algorithm and the usual Euclidean distance as the distance between objects. Findings – There are no gender equality laggards among EU member-states. More developed countries belong to gender equality leaders, while there are two gender equality leaders and one gender equality adopter among transition countries. The group of less developed countries consists of six gender equality leaders and seven gender equality adopters. Research limitations – The results of cluster analysis may be impacted by off-shore activity of Ireland and Luxembourg. Practical implications – The EU supranational bodies can use our results to develop more efficient cohesion policy tools to ensure the adherence to the principle of gender equality. Originality/Value – The study is a pioneer one in determining nine classes and five clusters of EU member-states considering their levels of economic development and gender equality, as well as in introducing three types of countries depending on their level of gender equality, namely gender equality leaders, adopters, and laggards.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32
Author(s):  
Bartosz Soloch

Abstract Recent decisions of European and national courts, as well as those of arbitral tribunals, concerning the Achmea saga seem to be plentiful enough to draw preliminary conclusions as to the relationship between EU law, intra-EU international investment agreements (IIAs) and the national laws of EU-Member States. In order to get the proper picture of the situation, however, it is necessary not only to analyse the recent decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and their consequences from these three perspectives, but, equally, to understand how they interact with each other. Such an analysis indicates the real possibility of the emergence of a rift between the practice of the EU and national courts rejecting the validity of investment arbitration agreements, on the one hand, and investment tribunals, on the other. In any case, such a divergence would put into question the IIAs’ claim to provide a stable regulatory framework for international investments in the EU, which, in turn, would strengthen the argument for termination of intra-EU IIAs.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (21) ◽  
pp. 8911 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jovana Tatarski ◽  
Sandra Brkanlić ◽  
Javier Sanchez Garcia ◽  
Edgar Breso Esteve ◽  
Ivana Brkić ◽  
...  

This research examines the difference in the level of entrepreneurial orientation among university employees within the European Union compared to university employees in non-EU countries. The EU Member States included in the research are the Republic of Slovenia and the Republic of Croatia, and the non-EU countries include the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of Montenegro, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Republic of Northern Macedonia. In the sample of 1474 respondents, the ENTRE-U scale was used to measure the entrepreneurial orientation of universities, and multivariate analysis of MANOVA variance was used for data processing. The ENTRE-U scale has proven applicable not only to developed countries but also developing countries. Moreover, it proved that being a member of the European Union in this part of Eastern Europe does not significantly affect the entrepreneurial orientation of universities.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soetkin Verhaegen ◽  
Marc Hooghe ◽  
Ellen Quintelier

In the literature, two approaches toward the development of a European identity can be distinguished. Society-based approaches assume that the most important foundation for the development of a European identity is trust toward other European citizens as this allows Europeans to identify with the European Union as a community of citizens and values. The institutional approach, on the other hand, assumes that a shared European identity is predominantly based on trust in political institutions. In this paper, we use the results of the IntUne Mass Survey 2009 (n=16,613 in 16 EU member states) to test the relationship between social and political trust on the one hand, and European identity on the other. The results suggest that trust in other European citizens is positively associated with European identity, but trust in the European political institutions has a stronger relation with European identity. This could imply that efforts to strengthen European identity cannot just rely on a bottom-up approach, but should also pay attention to the effectiveness and the visibility of the EU institutions and the way they are being perceived by European citizens.


2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-72
Author(s):  
Olivia den Hollander

AbstractCurrently, the European Union is based on both supranational (first pillar) and international (second and third pillar) law. The third pillar signifies police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters and although formally based on international law, it has been under increasing "supranational pressure" by the developments in the "Area of Freedom, Security and Justice". This Area is focused on a set of common values and principles closely tied to those of the single market and its four "freedoms". The main argument of this article is that the legal framework of the third pillar is an impediment to judicial cooperation in criminal matters in general, and to the coordination of conflicts of jurisdiction and the principle of ne bis in idem in particular. The legal framework of the third pillar finds itself in the middle of an identity crisis, since it can neither be identified as a traditional intergovernmental, nor as a supranational institutional framework. Criminal law is a politically sensitive matter, which on the one hand explains why the EU member states are reluctant to submit their powers over the issue to the European level and on the other hand, it implies that if the EU member states really want to cooperate on such an intensive level, they will have to submit some of their powers in order to strengthen EU constitutional law. The article suggests a reform of the third pillar through the method of "communitization", which is exactly what will happen in case the EU Reform Treaty will enter into force. This would offer the ingredients for a true international community in which the ambitious agenda of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice can realise its aim of a common set of values and principles which supersedes those of each of the member states individually.


Lex Russica ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 44-56
Author(s):  
V. Yu. Slepak

The paper is devoted to the examination of the main aspects of the legal regulation of exporting dual-use goods in the EU under Council Regulation (EU) No. 428/2009 of 5 May 2009. The main objective of the instrument under consideration is to establish a system common for EU Member States to control effectively the export of dual-use goods in order to ensure compliance of EU member States with international obligations, especially with regard to the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The author concludes that the current Regulation on export of dual-use goods is a logical extension and continuation of the EU instruments regulating arms trade with the third countries that pursues the same objectives, i.e. to implement the international legal obligations of the EU Member States assumed under multilateral control and non-proliferation regimes. Under the selected regulatory model, the EU failed to take the opportunity of replacing relevant national regulation; the Dual-Use Export Regulation defines a general framework, leaving it to Member States to take certain measures aimed at promoting an EU-wide approach. It is up to Member States to establish an appropriate control system for transactions, involving dual-use products, carried out by their nationals and legal entities. On the one hand, it allows the authorities of Member States, due to their proximity to economic entities, to take into account to a greater extent the characteristics of the national market. On the other hand, such a system leads to discrepancies in the practice of applying, in theory at least, uniform measures for the whole Union. Thus, even with the legal basis for independent and exclusive regulation of the export of dual-use products, the EU has faced with the unwillingness of Member States to adopt such restrictions and had to focus on coordinating the activities of Member States, leaving them with a considerable degree of independence and autonomy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 9-22
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Kulesa

The subject of the considerations undertaken in the article is evaluation and analysis of integration policy, i.e. the one that concerns the integration of foreigners. Integration is understood as a dynamic, two-way process of mutual accommodation by all immigrants and residents of the European Union Member States (EU MS). The article aims at deepening the reflection on what it means to evaluate and analyse the integration policy defined this way as well as presenting the attempts to develop relevant frameworks in selected EU Member States.


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