scholarly journals Factors of geography and security in the integration construction: the case of East- Asian integration

Author(s):  
A. A. Baykov

The paper analyzes the impact of geography and security threats on the dynamics and forms of integration cooperation in the area of East Asia. In particular, it is concluded that both the institutional features of the integration in Asia Pacific, and approaches in the field of cooperation between local states have been largely predetermined by the system of military cooperation and military-political agreements, which were formed during the "cold war".

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 659-675
Author(s):  
Kozue Akibayashi

Japan occupies a unique position in the history of East Asia as the sole non-Western colonial power. Japan’s defeat in the Asia-Pacific War that ended its colonial expansion did not bring justice to its former colonies. The Japanese leadership and people were spared from being held accountable for its invasion and colonial rule by the United States in its Cold War strategy to make post–World War II Japan a military outpost and bulwark in the region against communism. How then did the Cold War shape feminisms in Japan, a former colonizing force that never came to terms with its colonial violence? What was the impact of the Cold War on Japanese women’s movements for their own liberation? What are the implications for today? This article discusses the effects of Japan’s imperial legacies during the Cold War and the current aftermath with examples taken from the history of the women’s movement in Japan.


Author(s):  
Enyu Zhang ◽  
Qingmin Zhang

The study of East Asian foreign policies has progressed in sync with mainstream international relations (IR) theories: (1) from perhaps an inadvertent or unconscious coincidence with realism during the Cold War to consciously using different theoretical tools to study the various aspects of East Asian foreign policies; and (2) from the dominance of realism to a diversity of theories in studying East Asian foreign policies. Nonetheless, the old issues from the Cold War have not been resolved; the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait remain two flashpoints in the region, with new twists that can derail regional stability and prosperity. New issues also have emerged and made East Asia most volatile. One issue is concerned with restructuring the balance of power in East Asia, particularly the dynamics among the major players, i.e. Japan, China, and the United States. Regionalism is another new topic in the study of East Asian foreign policies. A review of the current state of the field suggests that two complementary issues be given priority in the future. First, the foreign policy interests and strategies of individual small states vis-à-vis great powers in the region, particularly those in Southeast Asia and the Korean peninsula. Second, what could really elevate the study of East Asian foreign policies in the general field of IR and foreign policy analysis is to continue exploring innovative analytical frameworks that can expand the boundaries of existing metatheories and paradigms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 432-451
Author(s):  
Jovanka Kuvekalovic

The phrase the postmodern military comes from a theoretical concept whose creator was American military sociologist Charles Moskos. His idea was to observe, analyze and conceptualize the role of the military in society and state, after the end of the Cold War. The period since the Cold War until today Moskos named as "postmodern". During this time, the new world order and power balance created a security constellation with specific features. The collapse of communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the bipolar division of the world, the different physiognomy of war and security threats, marked the new geopolitical context. In these conditions, NATO as one of the most important political-military alliances was challenged to create a response to new security threats with the asymmetric character. As a result, NATO adapted its capacities and function through an intensive process of reform and modernization. The Alliance became more attractive for many states which were not members, especially because they could not rely on their individual efforts in the complex security environment. From the perspective of these states, integration in NATO could provide them support, protection, and also an improvement for their armies. One of the main points in integrations was to adopt standards which were related to the modernization of military. Through modernization and its implementation, one of the main tasks was to reduce forces, making them more adaptable and capable to face with potential threats. Bearing in mind that the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Albania are one of the first states in the Western Balkans that have become NATO members, they are considered as reference research facilities. By analyzing their strategic and doctrinal documents, the obtained insight leads us to the next conclusions. From a theoretical point of view, creating postmodern armies with all characteristics that Charles Moskos attributes in his theory are compatible with the armies of the states which are the members of NATO. Based on this thesis, the application of Charles`s theoretical concept was justified. Also, the results have confirmed the general hypothesis which refers to the fact that the geopolitical circumstances, in an indirect way through the adaptation and integration processes in the NATO Alliance, have influenced the creation of a postmodern military in the way that Moskos represents. A wider political dimension is reflected in the commitment of Croatian and Albanian defense policies to the peaceful and defensive goals, such as international peace and stability.


2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-129
Author(s):  
Lee Seung Joo

While aggressively embracing free trade agreements (FTAs) in general, East Asian countries have incorporated security and political factors in promoting FTAs under the swiftly shifting regional economic and security environments, epitomized by the end of the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis, and the intensifying Sino-Japanese rivalry. Therefore, a sole focus on economic factors would fail to shed light on East Asian strategies for linking FTAs and security. While FTAs have mushroomed in East Asia since 2000, East Asian countries have pursued FTAs not merely to increase their economic interests. In many cases, they have attempted to link FTAs to broader security considerations. However, they have demonstrated markedly diverse ways of linking FTAs and security, depending on their primary economic and security imperatives as well as their domestic political situations.


2004 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 743-770 ◽  
Author(s):  
JÖRG FAUST

Latin American countries have a long tradition of attempting to diversify their external relations. In this context, since the end of the Cold War East Asia has gained increasing importance. However, despite the rising interest in improved political and economic links, these attempts at diversification showed only modest results, Chile being a noteworthy exception within this overall trend. The following analysis presents an empirical overview of the development of relations between Latin America and East Asia with special emphasis on Chile, demonstrating how domestic transformation has affected the Asia-Pacific policies of Latin American countries. The main conclusion is that while in most countries domestic conflicts over the future course of political and economic development have hampered the creation of a consistent Asia-Pacific policy, the elite settlement in Chile has enabled strategic actors to create a policy network which provides the institutional basis for successfully diversifying external relations to East Asia.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugo Meijer

This article discusses the rationale and evolution of U.S. defense exports to the People's Republic of China (PRC) during the final decade of the Cold War. The article is based on a large body of primary sources, including newly declassified documents, congressional hearings, and interviews with key officials. It shows that, contrary to what is often assumed in the literature, U.S. officials’ assessments of the optimal degree of defense cooperation with Beijing did not result solely from the objective of using the “China card” against the Soviet Union. A broader range of national security considerations shaped U.S. military cooperation with the PRC, including a desire not to enhance China's offensive capabilities vis-à-vis the United States and its Asia-Pacific friends and allies, the impact of defense transfers to China on U.S.-Soviet diplomatic relations, and the willingness of China to cooperate on nuclear proliferation. Faced with conflicting national security interests, the United States had to make delicate trade-offs in its military relationship with the PRC.


Author(s):  
Paul Midford

This chapter analyzes Japan’s experience with, and motivations for participating in, security multilateralism. It considers the historical legacies of a lack of multilateral interaction when international relations in East Asia were governed by the Sinocentric tributary system, the security multilateralism of the Washington system of the 1920s, Japan’s failed multilateral Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere during the Pacific War, as well as Tokyo’s security isolationism during the Cold War, before turning to Japan’s pivot from 1991 toward embracing regional security multilateralism. It argues that Japan’s promotion of security multilateralism since 1991 is part of a broader shift away from security isolationism and toward global and regional security engagement on bilateral and multilateral levels. Japan’s 1992 decision to begin participating in UN peacekeeping and its promotion of the ASEAN Regional Forum’s creation through the 1991 Nakayama proposal are examples of Japan’s post–Cold War security multilateralism. The chapter argues that Japan’s embrace of security multilateralism after the Cold War, like its embrace of security isolationism during the Cold War, has been driven by its reassurance strategy of convincing other East Asian nations that Japan can be trusted as a military power that will not repeat its pre-1945 expansionism. Moderating its alliance security dilemma vis-à-vis the US is another motivation for Japan’s promotion of security multilateralism. Since 2000 Japan has promoted the creation of other regional security multilateral forums, including the counter-piracy ReCAAP organization, the East Asian Summit, the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting Plus Dialogue Partners, and the Expanded ASEAN Maritime Forum.


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