scholarly journals Russia and the West: Contradictory Dialogue

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
T. V. Zonova ◽  
A. Giannotti
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Advanced Technology ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Treaties ◽  
The West ◽  
Strategic Stability ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

The authors focus on the historical evolution of the relations between Russia and the West and attempt to suggest their own vision on the future prospects. The aforementioned relationship span centuries of history. At times, these relations were peaceful, while at times, “Russophobia,” on the one hand, and anti-Western feelings, on the other, served as a backdrop to military clashes. The authors pay special attention to the events of recent decades that have posed new threats and challenges. Given the current militarization and securitization of world politics, strategic stability, which is highly dependent on relations between Russia and the West, is being called into question. After Crimea became part of the Russian Federation and hostilities began in the Donbass region, anti-Russian sanctions were imposed, and Russia, in turn, passed counter-sanctions legislation. Therefore, Russia’s relations with the United States have sharply deteriorated. Likewise, comprehensive ties with the European Union have been frozen. The West, mainly the United States and UK, has launched anti-Russian campaign. As a mirror response Russian media also dazzles with speculations about "the decay and decline of the West". Consequently, Russia has declared its “shift to the East”. A real psychological war is being waged between Russia and the West, with both sides resorting to the latest advanced technology in their propaganda. A number of Russian politicians grew supportive of some Western movements and parties of the right spectrum, the so called “sovranists” who aimed at withdrawing their countries from international treaties and unions. Meanwhile, Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 elections as the Republican right-wing candidate, who pledged to improve US-Russia relations, was much praised in Moscow. The authors conclude that recent constructive Russian-American meetings and the 2019 meeting in the Normandy Format which contributes to conflict resolution in the South-East of Ukraine can facilitate positive developments of Russia’s relations with the West.

Free Movement and Discrimination: Evidence from Europe, the United States, and Canada

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willem Maas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
International Migration ◽  
Mutual Recognition ◽  
The United States ◽  
Free Movement ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Good Test ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Eu

Abstract This article surveys some general lessons to be drawn from the tension between the promise of citizenship to deliver equality and the particularistic drive to maintain diversity. Democratic states tend to guarantee free movement within their territory to all citizens, as a core right of citizenship. Similarly, the European Union guarantees (as the core right of EU citizenship) the right to live and the right to work anywhere within EU territory to EU citizens and members of their families. Such rights reflect the project of equality and undifferentiated individual rights for all who have the status of citizen. But they are not uncontested. Within the EU, several member states propose to reintroduce border controls and to restrict access for EU citizens who claim social assistance. Similar tensions and attempts to discourage freedom of movement also exist in other political systems, and the article gives examples from the United States and Canada. Within democratic states, particularly federal ones and others where decentralized jurisdictions are responsible for social welfare provision, it thus appears that some citizens can be more equal than others. Principles such as benefit portability, prohibition of residence requirements for access to programs or rights, and mutual recognition of qualifications and credentials facilitate the free flow of people within states and reflect the attempt to eliminate internal borders. Within the growing field of migration studies, most research focuses on international migration, movement between states, involving international borders. But migration across jurisdictional boundaries within states is at least as important as international migration. Within the European Union, free movement often means changing residence across jurisdictional boundaries within a political system with a common citizenship, even though EU citizenship is not traditional national citizenship. The EU is thus a good test of the tension between the equality promised by common citizenship and the diversity institutionalized by borders.

An Ordinary Soviet Death

2019 ◽  
pp. 127-149
Author(s):  
Victoria Smolkin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Christian Tradition ◽  
The West ◽  
Rational Argument ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter describes the timing and motivations of the USSR's promotion of atheist doctrine. At the outset, it seems, the Soviets expected Orthodoxy to wither away, invalidated by rational argument and the regime's own record of socialist achievement. This did not happen, but Soviet officialdom did not take full cognizance of the fact until the 1950s and 1960s at the height of the Cold War. Then it was that the Soviet Union's confrontation with the West came to be recast in religious terms as an epic battle between atheist communism on the one hand and on the other that self-styled standard-bearer of the Judeo-Christian tradition, the United States. So, here indeed, in Soviet atheism, is a secular church militant—doctrinally armed, fortified by the concentrated power of the modern state, and, as many believed, with the wind of history at its back. It speaks the language of liberation, but what it delivers is something much darker. The chapter then considers the place of ritual in the Soviet secularist project.

The War in Ukraine as an International Issue

Ukraine ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Serhy Yekelchyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The West ◽  
International Issue

What sanctions did the West introduce against Russia, and did they work? The United States, the European Union, and allied countries like Canada, Australia, and Japan introduced several rounds of sanctions against Russia in connection with its violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty. The first round...

scholarly journals The Club Approach: A Gateway to Effective Climate Co-operation?

2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 1071-1096 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Hovi ◽  
Detlef F. Sprinz ◽  
Håkon Sælen ◽  
Arild Underdal
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Paris Agreement ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Agent Based ◽  
Club Good ◽  
The Right ◽  
Global Emissions

Although the Paris Agreement arguably made some progress, interest in supplementary approaches to climate change co-operation persist. This article examines the conditions under which a climate club might emerge and grow. Using agent-based simulations, it shows that even with less than a handful of major actors as initial members, a club can eventually reduce global emissions effectively. To succeed, a club must be initiated by the ‘right’ constellation of enthusiastic actors, offer sufficiently large incentives for reluctant countries and be reasonably unconstrained by conflicts between members over issues beyond climate change. A climate club is particularly likely to persist and grow if initiated by the United States and the European Union. The combination of club-good benefits and conditional commitments can produce broad participation under many conditions.

The Pan-American Mass, 1909–1914: A Rejected Contribution to Thanksgiving Day

1982 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-333
Author(s):  
James F. Vivian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
Pan American ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Cultural Extension ◽  
Political Question

The Right Reverend Monsignor William T. Russell, pastor of Saint Patrick's Church in Washington, D.C., since 1908 and reputedly one of the finest preachers in the country, agreed to an unusual interview during the spring of 1912. Five other clergy, including a rabbi, likewise participated in separate sessions with the same Protestant minister. The resulting six semiautobiographical accounts appeared as a weekly series in Collier's magazine at midyear. Unlike the companion pieces, however, the article devoted to Msgr. Russell appeared at a particularly timely moment. On the one hand, the Pan-American Thanksgiving Day celebration, although just three years old, seemed well on the way toward becoming an annual observance that neither the president of the United States nor the Latin American diplomatic contingent could slight idly. Yet, on the other hand, the article heralded a major Protestant protest that would call the entire basis of the celebration into public and even political question. Upon assuming the presidency in 1913, an unsuspecting Woodrow Wilson would find himself inadvertently drawn into an interdenominational dispute over the special Catholic service. Embarrassed to the point of privately admitting a clumsy mistake, Wilson eventually yielded to the critics and finally withdrew his support from an implied experiment in the cultural extension of a famous holiday.

scholarly journals Western Myths about Russian and Chinese Threats

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Yury Morozov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
Modern Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Western Media

The growing geopolitical confrontation between the West, led by the United States on the one hand, and Russia and China on the other, leads to the appearance in the Western media of myths about Russian and Chinese threats to the international community. The article describes what myths are circulating in the modern media and what such publications lead to. At the same time, the article presents facts that expose these myths.

scholarly journals China in Global Governance: Ideology, Theory, and Instrumentation

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 132-153
Author(s):  
Evgeny N. Grachikov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
Distribution Of Power

Over the past few years, the global political landscape has changed dramatically. Trump’s aggressive foreign policy has broken the precarious balance between the centers of world politics established in the past two decades. The U.S. trade war with China and accusations of creating COVID-19 have added a significant imbalance to the distribution of power in global governance. The current political global space is characterized by a tough struggle between the main centers of power for spheres of influence in macro regions, global power and redistribution of world incomes. In fact, it is a struggle for competition in setting the principles, norms and models of the future world order. Most of the developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America are distancing themselves from the West on many international issues, and advocating the creation of national concepts of world order (in “non-West,” “post-West,” “outside the West” formats), which would take into account the political and cultural traditions of their countries, and the specific experience of their interaction with neighboring states and the world as a whole. Thus, the competition in global governance between the United States and China is for a new global order, including influence on the vast Global South. This article offers an analysis of China’s strategy of global governance and Chinese academic discourse on this issue. The paper also examines China’s instrumentation for formatting its own structure of global governance and forms of strategic rivalry with the United States.

scholarly journals Liverpool and the Raw Cotton Trade:  A Study of the Port and its Merchant Community, 1770-1815

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Alexey Krichtal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
West Indies ◽  
The United States ◽  
The West ◽  
Cotton Industry ◽  
Major Region ◽  
The Right ◽  
Merchant Community ◽  
Cotton Trade

<p>This thesis examines the port of Liverpool, its merchant community, and the growth of the raw cotton trade from its initial rise c. 1770 to the end of the Napoleonic period in 1815. By constructing a large database from Liverpool import lists published in Lancashire newspapers, combined with surviving cotton planter, merchant, and manufacturer papers, this thesis analyses: first, the rise of Liverpool as a major British cotton port and the geographical shifts in the port‘s cotton supply from the West Indies to Guyana, Brazil, and the United States; then second, the organisation of Liverpool‘s cotton trade in the Atlantic basin and at home. The port‘s cotton trade and the form of cotton procurement developed out of the pre-existing trading conditions prior to the cotton boom between Liverpool and each cotton cultivation region, and underwent major re-organisation in the early nineteenth century. Liverpool‘s cotton trade attracted new merchants who specialised in the import-export trade with one major region. Therefore, as cotton cultivation expanded from the West Indies to northern South America and the southern United States, the Liverpool market underwent a de-concentration from an oligopoly in the hands of few large cotton merchants to a more competitive market with many cotton importers. Ultimately, greater specialisation of Liverpool‘s cotton merchant and brokerage community resulted in increased efficiency in the importing, marketing, and selling of cotton on the British market, while a de-concentration of the Liverpool market provided the right market conditions to ward off artificially high prices, fostering the development of a cheap supply of raw cotton needed to sustain industrialisation of the British cotton industry in the nineteenth century.</p>

scholarly journals A comparative analysis of the information duties in Belgian and American occupational pensions

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-63
Author(s):  
Marjolein Denys ◽  
David Pratt ◽  
Yves Stevens
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Occupational Pension ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Occupational Pensions ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Right

Both the United States of America and Belgium attach great importance to communication duties in occupational pensions. Several legal sources in both countries provide the right to be informed to participants. The legislation in both countries seeks to ensure accurate, correct, transparent and understandable communication. Despite this resemblance, there are some differences in communication. The countries can learn from one another. Based on a theoretical framework developed in and for the European Union, the communication rights and duties in the USA and Belgium are analysed. This analysis leads to a better understanding of the different legal responsibilities, transparency rules, simplification efforts and technical correctness of the types of occupational pension information analyzed.

Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (11) ◽  
pp. 38-46
Author(s):  
A. Kokeev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The West ◽  
German Government ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Eu

Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.

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