scholarly journals China in Global Governance: Ideology, Theory, and Instrumentation

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 132-153
Author(s):  
Evgeny N. Grachikov

Over the past few years, the global political landscape has changed dramatically. Trump’s aggressive foreign policy has broken the precarious balance between the centers of world politics established in the past two decades. The U.S. trade war with China and accusations of creating COVID-19 have added a significant imbalance to the distribution of power in global governance. The current political global space is characterized by a tough struggle between the main centers of power for spheres of influence in macro regions, global power and redistribution of world incomes. In fact, it is a struggle for competition in setting the principles, norms and models of the future world order. Most of the developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America are distancing themselves from the West on many international issues, and advocating the creation of national concepts of world order (in “non-West,” “post-West,” “outside the West” formats), which would take into account the political and cultural traditions of their countries, and the specific experience of their interaction with neighboring states and the world as a whole. Thus, the competition in global governance between the United States and China is for a new global order, including influence on the vast Global South. This article offers an analysis of China’s strategy of global governance and Chinese academic discourse on this issue. The paper also examines China’s instrumentation for formatting its own structure of global governance and forms of strategic rivalry with the United States.

2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 86-94
Author(s):  
E. Pavlova

During the crisis in Russia’s relations with the Western countries, provoked by the Ukrainian events, it is important to examine the position of countries whose view of the conflict has been either neutral or positive towards Russia. This article focuses on this previously unexplored subject, with help of examining the attitudes in Latin American countries to Russia’s recent policies. Without trying to analyze the conflict as such, it concentrates on the way it is seen by the Latin American public. This is done using two types of sources. The first part of the article presents the discourse analysis results of online media and sites that publish experts’ accounts of world politics. The second part is based on the results of in-depth interviews with experts and civil society activists conducted by the author in Bolivia (La Paz and Cochabamba) in December 2014. In both cases, the findings suggest that Latin American public opinion negatively evaluates what it sees as hegemonic ambitions of the West, but this does not automatically translate into the support of Moscow’s actions. The conflict around Ukraine is seen as a struggle for the spheres of influence, either between Russia and the West, or between the United States and Europe. In any case, Latin America is expected to lose from this struggle between hegemonic powers, because a world order based on influence areas would mean the U.S. unquestionable dominance in the Americas. Thus, Russia’s moral right to intervene in the internal affairs of Ukraine is often questioned, exactly for the reason that it is seen as Moscow’s protection of its own spheres of influence. At the same time, Russia’s actions are often seen as a reaction to an illegitimate intervention on the part of the U.S. or the West as a whole. Besides, there is a hope that Latin America would be able to benefit economically from sanctions imposed on Russia. In sum, Latin American view of the conflict combines economic pragmatism with a strong fear of potential geopolitical consequences. Acknowledgements. This research was supported by Estonian Research Council (PUT 260).


Book Review: The Politics of East-West Migration, Migration and the New Europe, Citizens without Sovereignty: Equality and Sociability in French Thought, 1670–1789, Authority and Democracy: A General Theory of Government and Management, Explaining Northern Ireland, War and Peace in Ireland: Britain and the IRA in the New World Order, Taken by Storm: The Media, Public Opinion, and US Foreign Policy in the Gulf War, Policy and Public Opinion in the Gulf War, behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics, The Idea of a Liberal Theory: A Critique and Reconstruction, The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy, Reinventing the Left, North Carolina Government and Politics, Alaska Politics and Government, Kentucky Politics and Government: Do We Stand United?, Argentina since Independence, The Politics of Human Rights in Argentina: Protest, Change, and Democratization, Resistance and Integration: Peronism and the Argentine Working Class, 1946–1976, Selected Political Writings, between Friends: Discourses of Power and Desire in the Machiavelli-Vettori Letters of 1513–1515, Fidel Castro and the Quest for a Revolutionary Culture in Cuba, Back from the Future: Cuba under Castro, Contesting Castro: The United States and the Triumph of the Cuban Revolution, The Fifty Years War: The United States and the Soviet Union in World Politics, 1941–1991, New French Thought: Political Philosophy, The Empire of Fashion: Dressing Modern Democracy, An Intellectual History of Liberalism

1996 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 358-374
Author(s):  
Martin Baldwin-Edwards ◽  
Patrick Riley ◽  
Keith Graham ◽  
Chris Gilligan ◽  
Theo Farrell ◽  
...  

Arts ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin de la Iglesia

Between the late 1980s and early 1990s, interest in the cyberpunk genre peaked in the Western world, perhaps most evidently when Terminator 2: Judgment Day became the highest-grossing film of 1991. It has been argued that the translation of Katsuhiro Ōtomo’s manga Akira into several European languages at just that time (into English beginning in 1988, into French, Italian, and Spanish beginning in 1990, and into German beginning in 1991) was no coincidence. In hindsight, cyberpunk tropes are easily identified in Akira to the extent that it is nowadays widely regarded as a classic cyberpunk comic. But has this always been the case? When Akira was first published in America and Europe, did readers see it as part of a wave of cyberpunk fiction? Did they draw the connections to previous works of the cyberpunk genre across different media that today seem obvious? In this paper, magazine reviews of Akira in English and German from the time when it first came out in these languages will be analysed in order to gauge the past readers’ genre awareness. The attribution of the cyberpunk label to Akira competed with others such as the post-apocalyptic, or science fiction in general. Alternatively, Akira was sometimes regarded as an exceptional, novel work that transcended genre boundaries. In contrast, reviewers of the Akira anime adaptation, which was released at roughly the same time as the manga in the West (1989 in Germany and the United States), more readily drew comparisons to other cyberpunk films such as Blade Runner.


PMLA ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 122 (1) ◽  
pp. 264-270
Author(s):  
Khaled Mattawa

Since the year 2000 i have spent most of my summers in benghazi, libya, the city of my birth and childhood. I have been able to return for the past six years, after an absence of twenty-one. At first I anticipated disorientation. The two decades that I'd lived in the United States saw extreme forms of oppression in Libya, as well as hostility between Libya and the West, which by 2003 was coming to an end. Yet little surprised me about my city when I returned. I had expected the buildings to appear smaller than I'd remembered, the streets to seem shorter and narrower, and, given how the Qaddafi regime had mismanaged the country, everything to be shabbier.


1996 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 570-578
Author(s):  
Jean McDowell

The U.S. healthcare system has been subject to unprecedented scrutiny over the past three years; one of the results of this scrutiny has been recognition of the serious problems that exist in both healthcare delivery and reimbursement mechanisms. While the verbal debate in Washington has essentially ceased, within the healthcare community a historic shift has taken place in the way healthcare reimbursement is structured: increasingly, traditional fee-for-service reimbursement methods are being replaced with capitation reimbursement methods. While this phenomenon originated on the West Coast, it has spread to all geographic sectors of the United States in varying degrees and can be expected to dominate the funding patterns of healthcare over the next decade.


1960 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick C. Barghoorn

InSpite of a continued gradual increase of American-Soviet contacts, the official Soviet image of the United States in 1959 was shaped, as before, largely by a combination of preconcert tion and contrivance. The massive Soviet machinery of communication continued to present to the peoples of the Soviet Union a picture of America based less on empirical judgment than on the application to changing circumstances of unchanging attitudes. As in the past, the Kremlin's image of America and of the West in general appeared to be as much an instrument for the manipulation of foreign and Soviet public opinion as it was a reflection of Moscow's appraisal of international political forces. The official doctrine of irreconcilable struggle between Soviet “socialism” and Western “capitalism” held undiminished significance for the rationalization and legitimization of Kremlin power and policy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-587
Author(s):  
Jon Eugene von Kowallis

That American academic publishers within a short time have put out three monographs this substantial on Lu Xun (1881–1936), often referred to as the founder of modern Chinese literature, is indicative of a new enthusiasm for Lu Xun in the United States and elsewhere in the West. In Japan, South Korea, and of course the People's Republic of China, the study of Lu Xun has been an academic enterprise of considerable standing for some time already. Not that American scholars have failed to make substantial contributions to Lu Xun studies in the past, but such contributions have been relatively far between. Fortunately, there is little overlap between these three exciting new studies.


Worldview ◽  
1959 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-7
Author(s):  
James Greene

The speed with which economics has sped to the front of the Cold War over the past four years has caught the West-used to diplomatic maneuvering and “little wars”-off guard. We have, as yet, no adequate answer to what may well prove to be Communism's most devastating weapon-a Soviet economy producing at a greater per capita rate than the United States. No nation of free men ever rallied round a column of statistics, and yet, clearly, that is where the current battle between East and West has moved.The change, it now seems, was inevitable. When they continue for any period of time, “total” wars, both hot and cold, slip more and more from the grasp of those charged with diplomacy and come to rest upon the impersonal powers of clashing armies, armies either on the battlefields or in the factories.


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 183-204
Author(s):  
Yafei He

As the world moves from "governance by the West" to "co-governance by both the West and East," the inherent deficiency in current global governance architecture becomes obvious to all of us. The author, through his own experiences as both a practitioner and student of global governance, has highlighted where the deficiency is and how to remedy it. By explaining China's recent moves in proposing the Chinese dream and building "one belt and one road," the author suggests that China continue on this proactive approach in dealing with global governance and offers some ideas from Chinese cultural heritage on how to reform the global governance architecture, with an emphasis on the G20, as well as on what China and the United States can do together to achieve better global governance.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuen Foong Khong

How should the United States respond to China's rise? What are China's longterm strategic goals? What are the implications of U.S.-China strategic interactions for world order? Three recent works—Aaron Friedberg's A Contest for Supremacy, Hugh White's The China Choice, and Yan Xuetong's Ancient Chinese Political Thought, Modern Chinese Power—grapple with these questions in authoritative and revealing ways. This review essay examines the answers provided by these authors, with the aim of clarifying the different underlying assumptions that led them to their conclusions. Four themes are found to be especially pertinent. These are the assumptions the authors hold about the existing distribution of power, China's strategic objectives, the role of economic interdependence in Asia, and the relationship between democracy and political legitimacy. The way the authors parse these themes—which ones they bracket or admit into their analysis, and how they weigh and combine them—helps to reveal the underlying bases of their and, by implication, our policy preferences. The essay concludes by suggesting that contrary to the view of some, time has something to offer both sides. And if those opportunities are properly understood by the United States and China, the prospects for peaceful competition and coevolution improve.


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