scholarly journals THE MILITARY COOPERATION BETWEEN THE CRIMEAN KHANATE AND THE ZAPOROIZHIAN HOST IN THE SECOND QUARTER OF THE 17th CENTURY

Author(s):  
Ferhad TURANLY
Author(s):  
Douglas E. Delaney

How did British authorities manage to secure the commitment of large dominion and Indian armies that could plan, fight, shoot, communicate, and sustain themselves, in concert with the British Army and with each other, during the era of the two world wars? This is the primary line of inquiry for this study, which begs a couple of supporting questions. What did the British want from the dominion and Indian armies and how did they go about trying to get it? How successful were they in the end? Answering these questions requires a long-term perspective—one that begins with efforts to fix the armies of the British Empire in the aftermath of their desultory performance in South Africa (1899–1903) and follows through to the high point of imperial military cooperation during the Second World War. Based on multi-archival research conducted in six different countries on four continents, Douglas E. Delaney argues that the military compatibility of the British Empire armies was the product of a deliberate and enduring imperial army project, one that aimed at ‘Lego-piecing’ the armies of the empire, while, at the same time, accommodating the burgeoning autonomy of the dominions and even India. At its core, this book is really about how a military coalition worked.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-112
Author(s):  
Michał Skoczyński

Abstract The article presents the military cooperation between the King of Galician-Volhynian Ruthenia, Daniel Romanowicz, and the Dukes of Mazovia, Konrad and his son Siemowit. The alliance, based as a counterweight for the cooperation between the King of Hungary and the Piast princes of Lesser Poland, who were trying to conquer Ruthenia and dominate all Piast principalities in then fragmented Poland. It lasted for several decades from the 1220’s to the 1260’s and was primarly aimed at mutual protection against the invasions of the pagan Yotvingians and supporting each other in armed conflicts. The text contains an analysis of war expeditions, tactics and ways of support that were given by both sides of the allianace. It is a new point of view on this aspect of political strategy of both sides that in some ways defined the regional situation. Ruthenians granted masovian Piasts some mobile and political uncommited support in fight with their relatives in Poland, and also secured their border with the Yotvingians. On the other hand, masovian knights were an additional strike force in ruthenian plundering expeditions to Yotvingia. The research was based on the analysis of preserved historical sources and scientific literature using historical methodology.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 68-81
Author(s):  
Syeda Sundus Anwar ◽  
Tughral Yamin

A clear lack of Civil-Military Cooperation is evident in the field of national cybersecurity policy. For a country such as Pakistan with fractious political, cultural, and diverse ethnic identities and ideological characteristics, an unguarded cyber domain can add to the existing rifts. In light of these challenges, Pakistan needs to create a national cybersecurity policy and strategy incorporating both civil and military concerns. The aim of this research paper is to find out a conceptual framework of Civil-Military Cooperation (CIMIC) in the realm of cybersecurity. This study has used open-ended semistructured interviews to find out the way forward and the hindrances in civil-military cooperation to create a robust national cybersecurity regime. For an effective national cybersecurity policy, synergy has to be created between the civil and military sectors. The military should not only have the necessary cybersecurity expertise, but it should also organize cyber-drills incorporating all stakeholders.


Author(s):  
OLEKSANDR PAHIRIA

The article examines one of the little-studied aspects of the subversive operation of Poland and Hungary against Carpatho-Ukraine, namely the military cooperation between the Carpathian Sich and the Czechoslovak Army and security agencies (StOS, gendarmery, state police, and financial guard) in the protection of the borders of the autonomous region against attacks by Polish and Hungarian saboteurs in fall 1938 – early 1939. Drawing on Czech and Polish archival materials, as well as memoirs, the author establishes the role of Czechoslovak officers in the provision of arms, ammunition, and training for the Carpathian Sich units, as well as in their engagement in joint intelligence and counter-sabotage activities in the border areas with Poland and Hungary. Such actions produced a joint Czech-Ukrainian response to the undeclared "hybrid war" waged by Poland and Hungary against Carpatho-Ukraine, which final aim was to establish a common frontier in the Carpathians. Despite its largely secondary (auxiliary) function in this operation, the Carpathian Sich members were able not only to demonstrate efficiency in the fight against Hungarian and Polish militants but at the same time to become a source of information for the Czechoslovak intelligence. From the point of view of the Czechoslovak command's interests, the Carpathian Sich served as a "non-state actor," who was trying to counter-balance the enemy's non-regular formations. The mentioned military cooperation marked the first stage in relations between the Carpathian Sich and the Czechoslovak military that started in the first half of November 1938 and ended in mid-January 1939 with the nomination by Prague of Czech general Lev Prchala as the third minister in the autonomous government of Carpatho-Ukraine. For the Carpathian Sich, the cooperation with the Czechoslovak security agencies produced their first combat experience and served as the source of replenishment of its scarce arsenal. Keywords: Carpatho-Ukraine, Carpathian Sich, sabotage, Poland, Hungary, "Lom" operation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 190-142
Author(s):  
Khairul Nizam Bin Zainal Badri

Aceh is regarded as the strongest ally of the Ottomans in the east, in the 16th century and 17th century AD. At that time, the two governments exchanged gifts with each other, and benefited together; whether in the form of trade, or in the form of technology and the military. The historical record notes that Aceh started making official relations with the Ottomans during the reign of Sultan Salahuddin, which is the 2nd in the Sultanate of Aceh. Yet to be studied in this paper is that the establishment of diplomatic relations between Aceh and Turkey during the reign of Sultan Alauddin Mansur Shah. Remarkably, Sultan Alauddin Mansur Shah hailed from Perak, but was crowned the 8th Ruler of Aceh. This qualitative study uses the library approach entirely to highlight the role and contribution of Sultan Alauddin Mansur Shah in efforts to strengthen cooperation between Aceh and Turkey. With the help of the Ottomans, he launched an attack on the Portuguese in Melaka. Aceh’s strength even feared by the Portuguese authorities in Goa, India, forcing them to seek assistance from Lisbon. In conclusion, Sultan Alaudin Mansur Shah not only gained recognition from the Ottoman government but also succeeded in upholding the greatness of Islam; when reviving the trade routes of Muslims and looking after the welfare of Muslims in the archipelago.


Belleten ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 69 (255) ◽  
pp. 539-566
Author(s):  
Süleyman Demi̇rci̇

Relying on first-hand unpublished archival documents this paper focuses on two related aspects: first, it provides a picture of the range of individuals involved in avâriz and nüzul collection in the Ottoman province of Karaman during the 17th century, whether from the military class, the ulema (learned people) or others; second, it examines the changes during the 17th century in the type of person appointed, and what ranks the collection candidate held before attaining those of avâriz and nüzul collection. It will be interesting to assess at what stage, if at all, the palace officials or the followers of 'great men of state' became involved in the collection process. This paper examines the available information to see what, if any, pattern emerges from it.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brahim Saidy

Military cooperation is one of the most intriguing dimensions of the Qatari-US relationship. It has progressively evolved, driven by a changing geopolitical landscape and security threats in the Middle East. In fact, it has a significant impact on the overall bilateral relationship, especially economic ties. It rests upon four pillars: a bilateral defence agreement, the use of military facilities, arms sales and military-to-military contacts. This paper analyzes the development of the military relationship that exists between Washington and Doha and offers an assessment of the issues that animate it.


Significance His comments come as Israel and Jordan (which is the custodian of the site) move forward with plans to reduce tension at the site, which has been a flashpoint of conflict for decades, most recently last September, when Muslim and Jewish holidays overlapped. The area, known to Muslims as al-Haram al Sharif (Noble Sanctuary) and Jews as the Temple Mount, is one of the most contentious issues dividing Israelis and Palestinians. Impacts Tensions in late April around the Passover holiday (April 22-30) could escalate as nationalist Jews attempt to pray on the Temple Mount. The agreement strengthens Jordan's claim to custodianship of Jerusalem's holy sites while undermining Palestinian claims to Jerusalem. Jordanian-Israeli trust and cooperation will expand, especially in the military and security realms. A violation of the agreement or provocative visits by Israeli MPs could trigger clashes between Palestinians and Israeli security forces. Renewed violence could undermine Israeli-Jordanian diplomatic and military cooperation, and the tentative Israeli-Turkish detente.


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