scholarly journals Sobre la dimensión política del resentimiento

Author(s):  
Gustavo Robles

El presente trabajo propone una reflexión sobre la dimensión política y social del resentimiento que permita una mejor comprensión del surgimiento de las extrema-derechas y la crisis contemporánea de las democracias. El punto de partida es considerar al resentimiento como una emoción que da cuenta de experiencias sociales y sensibilidades políticas que están en la base de los nuevos autoritarismos globales. Intentaré abordar esta cuestión recurriendo a un conjunto de reflexiones filosóficas sobre el resentimiento, a una consideración de las transformaciones sociales de las últimas décadas y a un análisis de su articulación en las nuevas políticas identitarias. Confío en que esto contribuirá a ampliar nuestra comprensión de lo que podríamos denominar “política del resentimiento” y de la actual crisis de la democracia. ---- The aim of this paper is to reflect on the political and social dimension of resentment to allow a better understanding of the emergence of far-right tendencies and the contemporary crisis of democracies. The starting point is to consider resentment as an emotion that accounts for social experiences and political sensitivities which are at the basis of the new global authoritarianism. I will try to approach this question by resorting to a set of philosophical reflections on resentment, to a consideration of the social transformations of the last decades and to an analysis of their political articulation in the new identity policies. This shall shed light on what we might call the "politics of resentment" and on the current crisis of democracy.

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 171-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wung Seok Cha

TheSŭngjŏngwŏn ilgi (Daily Records of the Royal Secretariat)is one of the major chronicles of the events of the Chosŏn Dynasty (1392–1910). Although the records prior to the year 1622 are no longer extant, the remaining records from the years 1623 to 1910 meticulously recount the daily activities of the reigning Chosŏn kings, including copious information on their physical and mental status. Because the king’s health was considered as important as other official affairs in many respects, detailed records were kept of royal ailments and how court doctors treated them. This article surveys the state of Korean-language scholarship on the medical content of theDaily Recordsand presents selected translations to demonstrate how this valuable historical source can shed light on both the social history of Chosŏn medicine and the political importance of kingly health at the Chosŏn court.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (87) ◽  
pp. 551-567
Author(s):  
Andréa Alcione de Souza ◽  
Rafaela Cyrino Peralva Dias

Abstract Based on research conducted in Belo Horizonte, with 25 black managers, this article analyzes how the career mobility discourse is based on the idea of personal merit. Considering this central problem and authors such as Pierre Bourdieu, Jessé Souza and Carlos Hasenbalg, the research analyzed the assumptions, functionalities and productive character that the idea of personal merit assumes in the interviewees' discourse. The results obtained point to a perception of the process of moving up in the organization career path that has strong meritocratic components; a perception that ignores or minimizes the social, emotional, moral and economic preconditions that interfere in the differential performance obtained by individuals. Moreover, this perception implies a disqualification of any argument that reinforces the racial barriers in their upward career mobility processes, which contributes to conceal the political, economic and social dimension of racism in the country.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Toni

The paper discusses the film by Garin Nugroho based on a discourse analysis developed by Fairclough. The film titled “Javanese Opera” directed by Garin became one of the films that raised the theme of Javanese women in domestic and political space. How Garin in the discourse of Javanese women became interesting because his works were widely recognized as coloring the development of national films and his works were recognized internationally. The research method used a qualitative approach, while the analysis used was Fairclough’s discourse analysis. The gender leadership discourse in Indonesia is represented by Garin Nugroho as a dynamic discourse relating to the sociopolitical context and power based on the national philosophy, culture and values of pluralism adopted by the Indonesian people. The socio-political context in this film is how women’s perspectives are represented as social agents and political agents in looking at the leadership leadership in Indonesia. In the social dimension, Javanese women are represented as the center of male spiritual power which has a strategic role in shaping male leadership character. In the political dimension, Javanese women are represented as agents of public space in the political contestation of power which is realized by various strategic steps in conducting global political competition.


Daedalus ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 148 (3) ◽  
pp. 173-180
Author(s):  
Katherine S. Newman

The trenchant essays in this volume pose two critical questions with respect to inequality: First, what explains the eruption of nationalist, xenophobic, and far-right politics and the ability of extremists to gain a toehold in the political arena that is greater than at any time since World War ii? Second, how did the social distance between the haves and have-nots harden into geographic separation that makes it increasingly difficult for those attempting to secure jobs, housing, and mobility-ensuring schools to break through? The answers are insightful and unsettling, particularly when the conversation turns to an action agenda. Every move in the direction of alternatives is fraught because the histories that brought each group of victims to occupy their uncomfortable niche in the stratification order excludes some who should be included or ignores a difference that matters in favor of principles of equal treatment.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kirkland

The subject suggested in the title is so broad as to make it rather difficult to decide what boundaries to draw around the study of various resources available to the historian or other social scientist who sets out to study labor history, the social history of Italian workers and peasants, and the political and intellectual history of socialism and other radical movements. Keeping in mind that the following discussion is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather an indication of the necessary starting point to begin an investigation is probably the best way to understand this note.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Verdun

This article seeks to shed light on the development over the past decades of the concept of economic governance. It asks what is understood by economic governance and what role the social dimension has played. The article offers an analysis of the problems and possible issues confronting the EU as it seeks ways to address the sovereign debt crisis by embarking on deeper economic integration. The article concludes that from the early days there have been questions about the exact interaction between economic and monetary integration and thus between ‘economic’ and ‘monetary’ union. Despite Delors’ original inclination, few were willing to establish any linkage between EMU and social matters. The crises have again brought out the need to consider the two in tandem. Moreover, with the increased role in economic governance accorded to EU-level institutions, there is a need to rethink the EU democratic model.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 684-694
Author(s):  
Luana M Alagna

Claude Lefort, French philosopher and activist, exponent of the anti-totalitarian moment in France, has developed an original theoretical proposal on democracy and totalitarianism. When he distanced himself from the creed of the proletarian revolution as an instrument of understanding of human action, he focused on the understanding of the political as a space in which the social emerges, in which it takes shape. The idea that society acquired a unity through the revolutionary project was overturned by the knowledge that the social cannot be contained; it cannot be the object of appropriation and unification through action or knowledge without threatening freedom and the existence of society itself. Democratic political society can only be heterogeneous, in which the conflict cannot be resolved precisely because the various interests in society are irreducible and asymmetrical. Machiavelli, in the Lefortian thinking, had identified the sense of the political at the beginning of his institution, in which the division and disagreement between classes are the foundation of social relations. This view is opposed to the classical conception of dissent as a moment of collision between passions and reason, where the disorder compromises the political structure. Social conflict indeed is an irreducible resource for the existence of human relations, public space and political society. In the clash between two realisms, Lefort shelved the Marxist one to deepen the turmoil of the ‘divine Machiavelli’, replacing in his theoretical vision the Machiavellian idea of the political as a social dimension to the Marxist dominance of the production forces; the political is the way in which society represents its legitimacy and presupposes conflict as inescapable, a way to guarantee political freedom. Plurality and irrepressible diversity will be instruments for guaranteeing democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-151
Author(s):  
Siegbert Riecker

Summary It would be too simple to attribute the current crisis in research on the Pentateuch to the demise of the Wellhausen paradigm (the documentary hypothesis) and the resulting diversity of methods. Rather, these are merely symptoms of a fundamental crisis in the source critical paradigm as a whole. The difficulties with the nature of sources, their literary scope and the criteria for their division are only part of the wider problem. The introduction of non-verifiable ‘redactors’ and ‘Fortschreibung’ (updating) to cope with anomalies of a hypothesis seems methodologically just as questionable as the reconstruction of the social-historical background of individual literary strata (‘pseudo historicism’). The increasingly complex diachronic overall models are lacking plausibility and credibility, especially since the reconstruction of several stages in the development of the text is practically impossible from an empirical perspective. The alternative to the classic paradigm of source criticism is a literary paradigm that returns to the starting point of the testimony of the biblical texts themselves. Of course, literary tensions and sources must not be ignored. However, systems of interpretation to explain inconsistencies should not be based on methods developed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries but on the ancient literary conventions of the Bible and its environment.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kirkland

The subject suggested in the title is so broad as to make it rather difficult to decide what boundaries to draw around the study of various resources available to the historian or other social scientist who sets out to study labor history, the social history of Italian workers and peasants, and the political and intellectual history of socialism and other radical movements. Keeping in mind that the following discussion is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather an indication of the necessary starting point to begin an investigation is probably the best way to understand this note.


2014 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 939-960 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOÃO NUNES

AbstractIt has become common to speak of health security, but the meaning of the latter is often taken for granted. Existing engagements with this notion have been constrained by an excessive focus on national security and on the securitising efforts of elites. This has led to an increasingly sceptical outlook on the potentialities of security for making sense of, and helping to tackle, health problems. Inspired by the idea of security as emancipation, this article reconsiders the notion of health security. It takes as its starting point the concrete insecurities experienced by individuals, and engages with them by way of an analytical framework centred on the notion of domination. Domination deepens analysis by connecting individual experiences of insecurity, the social interactions through which these are given meaning, and the structures that make them possible. Domination also broadens the remit of analysis, shedding light on the multifaceted nature of insecurity. The analytical benefits of this framework are demonstrated by two examples: HIV/AIDS; and water and sanitation. The lens of domination is also shown to bring benefits for the political engagement with global health problems.


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