scholarly journals The Indigenous Decade in Review

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Christine Zuni Cruz

This Article considers the decade, 2010 to 2019, in respect to indigenous peoples in the United States. The degree of invisibility of indigenous peoples, in spite of the existence of 574 federally recognized tribes with political status, is a central issue in major cases and events of the decade. Land and environment, social concerns, and collective identity are the three areas through which this Article considers the decade. The Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, endorsed in 2010, sets a measure for the nation-state’s engagement with indigenous peoples possessed of self-determination. The criticality of a new place in the American consciousness for the political status of indigenous peoples in the United States going forward is a feature of the decade.

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Lambie

Although the Constitution of the United States declares in the Fourteenth Amendment that all persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States, Congress has enacted legislation affecting the diplomatic protection of citizens abroad which makes a material distinction between persons born in the United States and those who have been naturalized in this country. This distinction has caused considerable discussion as to the political status of naturalized American citizens against whom the presumption of cessation of citizenship has arisen by virtue of the provisions of Section 2, Act of March 2, 1907, and recently has been interestingly illustrated before international claims commissions.


1991 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 231
Author(s):  
Kenneth R. Philp ◽  
Carol J. Minugh ◽  
Glenn T. Morris ◽  
Rudolph C. Ryser

2021 ◽  
pp. 147488512110092
Author(s):  
Will Kujala

Arendt’s concept of the social is at the heart of her interventions in racial politics in the United States. Readers of Arendt often focus on whether her distinction is too rigid to accommodate the reality of US racial politics, or whether it can be altered to be more capacious. The central issue here is that of closing the gap between conceptual abstraction and concrete reality. However, by extending our archive regarding the social and political beyond Arendt—to work in subaltern studies and the thought of Arendt’s radical Black contemporaries—I argue that we can craft a concept of the social as a counterinsurgent logic by which political acts are reduced to social disorder, neutralizing the political edge and novelty of revolt. The distinction between the social and political is therefore useful not to describe or categorize kinds of revolts or struggles but to critically examine the way they are interpretatively and concretely transformed from ‘political’ to ‘social’ struggles. Situating Arendt among contemporary revolutionaries such as James and Grace Lee Boggs, I argue that they mobilized such a distinction, asking not what rebellions were but what might be made of them.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003464462096603
Author(s):  
Stephen Cornell ◽  
Miriam Jorgensen

This article presents the concept of social inclusion as a means of addressing problems of poverty and social welfare and reviews the place of social inclusion in U.S. policies toward Indigenous peoples within U.S. boundaries. We argue that there are a number of problems with the present policy application of social inclusion to Indigenous peoples in the United States, including external conceptions of needs, individualization, an orientation to distributional as opposed to positional politics, and the conditionality of inclusion. We review some of the ways that Indigenous peoples are challenging the assumptions that underlie inclusionary policy goals. We then consider how a revised concept of social inclusion that comprehends the distinctiveness of Indigenous aspirations for self-determination, nationhood, and collective self-government might benefit not only Native Americans but the United States itself and how it might contribute to a postracial America. Our argument throughout is not with social inclusion as an ideal but with the particular version of it that has characterized late 20th and early 21st century policy toward Native peoples in the United States.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Harun Hadžić

In this paper, by using international documents, the author addresses the issue of resolving the political status of the Bosniaks in Sandžak, i.e. in Serbia and Montenegro. He emphasizes the methods of regulation of ethnic relations through mechanisms of eliminating differences, i.e. mechanisms of managing the differences that exist in modern sovereign multiethnic states. Explains the basic terms - autochthony, constitutivity and constitutionality, and thoroughly analyzes the principle of the right to self-determination and the right to autonomy, in the context of resolving the so-called status of indigenous peoples.


1975 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 615-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hung-mao Tien

President Chiang Kai-shek's death on 16 April and President Gerald Ford's announcement that he would visit Peking in the autumn of 1975 once again direct attention to the political future of the Republic of China and the 16 million inhabitants of Taiwan. Progress towards diplomatic normalization between the United States and the People's Republic of China has been slower than many would have expected following President Nixon's visit to the mainland in February 1972. For the island's inhabitants any dramatic change in their political status may spell a permanent alteration in their life style, which has become substantially different from that of the mainland. Precisely because of this, one needs to look closely at their political aspirations and the socio-political changes that have occurred. Any political solution for Taiwan's future should be analysed with respect to its impact on these vital human interests.


Author(s):  
Stephen Cornell

Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective “self” is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.


1952 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip W. Bell

Colonialism has been a sore spot in the handling of American foreign policy in the post-World War II period largely because of ambivalent forces, domestic and foreign, which have been tugging at the United States. At the heart of the colonial problem which has faced this country is the central issue of eventual political status for colonial territories. On this question United States policy has traditionally been and continues to be one of condemnation of colonialism and in favor of independence for colonial peoples, with certain reservations added in small print—the grant of independence should not be too hurried and it should be given only to peoples who desire it and are capable of assuming the responsibilities involved.


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