scholarly journals Re-Thinking the Very Concept of Peace

Author(s):  
Arben Haxhiymeri

The appreciation of Peace, the promotion of its values, and the efforts for its attainment as the only way to cope with horrifyingly destructive dimensions of the war we are facing with on a daily basis since so many long years all across the world urges nowadays to the extreme. This necessity appears to such an extent, and with such intensity, as to having been transformed more than ever in one of the most dominant catchphrases of political, social, intellectual and practical discourses of our violent times, a ubiquitous topic within universities, governments, civil societies and other non-governmental organizations and institutions. There are large pacifist movements which are facing off ever more actively against the war. There is also an ever more active engagement of many intellectuals and artists poised to face off against the hawkish and bellicose aesthetics we were facing with up to last two or three decades in most Western countries by a constructive bolstering and promotion of a peaceable and pacifistic aesthetics. By the 1970s the new discipline of peace studies, embracing the history and philosophy of peace, was well establish. Since 1980 there is even a university dedicated to Peace studies, the United Nations mandated “University for Peace”, with its main campus in Costa Rica, which is launching its programs and establishing its centers around the world. About 30 years ago will faced and will be very active well known the CPP, Concerned Philosophers for Peace is the largest, most active organization of professional philosophers in North American involved in the analysis of the causes of violence and prospects for peace. And, many philosophers and thinkers are engaged in the international peace dialog and a large number of separated initiatives that have involving a significant number and pages of essays and conferences on philosophy of war and on the Philosophy of Peace, too.

1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-24
Author(s):  
E. S. Reddy

Rarely has the policy of an individual government attracted as wide attention throughout the world as the racial policy of South Africa. It has been discussed in several organs of the United Nations, in specialized agencies of the United Nations, and in several other international and regional intergovernmental organizations; in the Parliament of many countries; and in numerous non-governmental organizations. A number of countries have broken diplomatic, consular and trade relations with South Africa or refrained from establishing such relations. Actions protesting apartheid have involved hundreds of thousands of people outside Africa. The publications and documents on apartheid fill a good-sized library.


2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 855-875 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mollie Gerver

Over the past decade, millions of refugees have fled their countries of origin and asked for asylum abroad. Some of these refugees do not receive asylum, but are not deported. Instead they are detained, or denied basic rights of residency, some forced into enclosed camps. Hoping to escape such conditions, they wish to return to unsafe countries, and ask for help from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. In such cases, should NGOs and the UN assist refugees to return? Drawing on original data gathered in South Sudan, and existing data from around the world, I argue that they should assist with return if certain conditions are met. First, the UN and NGOs must try to put an end to coercive conditions before helping with return. Secondly, helping with return must not encourage the government to expand the use of coercive policies to encourage more to return. Finally, NGOs and the UN must ensure that refugees are fully informed of the risks of returning. Organizations must either conduct research in countries of origin or lobby the government to allow refugees to visit their countries of origin before making a final decision.


2019 ◽  
pp. 13-29
Author(s):  
Richard Caplan

Different conceptions of peace have different implications for devising strategies of peacebuilding and peace maintenance. What it takes to achieve a negative peace is very different from what is required to achieve a positive peace. This chapter explores how the conceptual distinctions discussed in the Introduction map onto actual practice, with reference to the principal relevant peacebuilding actors: the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the African Union, the World Bank, and leading non-governmental organizations. What are the primary features of these organizations’ approaches to peacebuilding? How do they differ, if at all, in their understandings of the characteristics of, and requirements for, a stable peace?


1985 ◽  
Vol 1 (S1) ◽  
pp. 296-299
Author(s):  
S. William A. Gunn

In essence, the United Nations Organization was born out of disaster to avert disaster. Be they the work of nature or of man, catastrophic emergencies are not rare occurrences and all studies indicate that they are increasing in frequency and severity.Within the international community, the UN and its component organizations is only one of the three principal partners in disaster relief. The other are the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) – including the Voluntary Agencies (VOLAGS) – and the bilateral donor countries. Collaboration among these sectors is vital if international action is to be effective.This article deals with the UN System only, and in particular with the role of the World Health Organization (WHO) in disaster relief and preparedness.


1993 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-468
Author(s):  
Ineke Boerefijn ◽  
Koen Davidse

In this article, the authors deal with the impact of the World Conference on Human Rights (WCHR) on the supervision of the implementation of human rights, one of the main topics on the agenda of the WCHR. Within the framework of the United Nations, various procedures have been developed regarding the international supervision of human rights norms. Procedures have been established on the basis of treaties as well as on the basis of resolutions of the Commission on Human Rights. Many contributions were made on this issue to the WCHR, from inter-governmental organizations, non-governmental organizations as well as independent experts. Submissions concerned the strengthening of existing mechanisms, as well as the creation of new mechanisms. After describing developments initiated by the relevant supervisory bodies themselves, the authors examine to which extent the WCHR gave an impetus to the strengthening of the current machinery, through further enhancing and expanding treaty-based supervision and through strengthening the position of independent experts mandated by the Commission on Human Rights. Next, the authors examine whether the WCHR gives room for the creation of new mechanisms, such as the High Commissioner for Human Rights.


2021 ◽  
pp. 93-120
Author(s):  
Séverine Autesserre

Chapter Four further explores the limitations of “Peace, Inc.”: the traditional way to end wars. United Nations peacekeepers, foreign diplomats, and the staff of many non-governmental organizations involved in conflict resolution share a specific way of seeing the world. They often assume that the only path to peace is through working with governments and national elites and mediating formal agreements between world leaders. As a result, most international aid agencies use a top-down strategy of intervention, ignoring the crucial role of local tensions in fueling violence. Foreign peacebuilders also regularly rely on other widely held beliefs, such as the notion that education, elections, and statebuilding always promote peace. Anecdotes from places as varied as Afghanistan, Iraq, and Timor-Leste, along with a detailed story of the massive international efforts in Congo, highlight the possibility for devastating consequences while explaining why these detrimental assumptions and this flawed intervention strategy nevertheless persist.


2019 ◽  
pp. 30-50
Author(s):  
Richard Caplan

Different conceptions of peace have different implications for devising strategies of peacebuilding and peace maintenance. What it takes to achieve a negative peace is very different from what is required to achieve a positive peace. This chapter explores how the conceptual distinctions discussed in Chapter 1 map onto actual practice, with reference to the principal relevant peacebuilding actors: the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the African Union, the World Bank, and leading non-governmental organizations. What are the primary features of these organizations’ approaches to peacebuilding? How do they differ, if at all, in their understandings of the characteristics of, and requirements for, a stable peace?


1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-290

Executive CommitteeThe fifth session of the Executive Committee of the World Meteorological Organi-zation (WMO) was held in Geneva from August 25 to September II, 1954, and was devoted, in large part, to preparations for the second WMO Congress, scheduled to open on April 14, 1955. The Committee reviewed the plans for the WMO program for the second financial period (1956–1960) in the light of the experience of the organization and with special attention to requests of meteorological services, other specialized agencies and the United Nations. The financial and staffing implications of the pro-posed program were also reviewed. The Committee examined the status of the ternal relations of WMO, which had recently established relations with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization and which had granted consultative status to nine non-governmental organizations. Proposed amendments to the organization's General Regulations were approved for submission to the Congress, along with amendments to the Internal Staff Regulations designed to bring them into greater conformity with those of other international organizations.


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