From Conception to Practice

2019 ◽  
pp. 30-50
Author(s):  
Richard Caplan

Different conceptions of peace have different implications for devising strategies of peacebuilding and peace maintenance. What it takes to achieve a negative peace is very different from what is required to achieve a positive peace. This chapter explores how the conceptual distinctions discussed in Chapter 1 map onto actual practice, with reference to the principal relevant peacebuilding actors: the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the African Union, the World Bank, and leading non-governmental organizations. What are the primary features of these organizations’ approaches to peacebuilding? How do they differ, if at all, in their understandings of the characteristics of, and requirements for, a stable peace?

2019 ◽  
pp. 13-29
Author(s):  
Richard Caplan

Different conceptions of peace have different implications for devising strategies of peacebuilding and peace maintenance. What it takes to achieve a negative peace is very different from what is required to achieve a positive peace. This chapter explores how the conceptual distinctions discussed in the Introduction map onto actual practice, with reference to the principal relevant peacebuilding actors: the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the African Union, the World Bank, and leading non-governmental organizations. What are the primary features of these organizations’ approaches to peacebuilding? How do they differ, if at all, in their understandings of the characteristics of, and requirements for, a stable peace?


1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-24
Author(s):  
E. S. Reddy

Rarely has the policy of an individual government attracted as wide attention throughout the world as the racial policy of South Africa. It has been discussed in several organs of the United Nations, in specialized agencies of the United Nations, and in several other international and regional intergovernmental organizations; in the Parliament of many countries; and in numerous non-governmental organizations. A number of countries have broken diplomatic, consular and trade relations with South Africa or refrained from establishing such relations. Actions protesting apartheid have involved hundreds of thousands of people outside Africa. The publications and documents on apartheid fill a good-sized library.


Author(s):  
Joseph M. Siracusa

‘The evolution of dimplomacy’ looks briefly at the evolution of modern diplomacy, focusing on diplomats and what they do, paying attention to the art of treaty-making. A case can be made that treaties of international peace and cooperation comprise nothing less than the diplomatic landscape of human history, from the benchmark European treaties of the Congress of Vienna (1815), Brest-Litovsk (1918), and Versailles (1919) to the milestone events such as the Covenant of the League of Nations (1919), the United Nations Charter (1948), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (1949).


2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 855-875 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mollie Gerver

Over the past decade, millions of refugees have fled their countries of origin and asked for asylum abroad. Some of these refugees do not receive asylum, but are not deported. Instead they are detained, or denied basic rights of residency, some forced into enclosed camps. Hoping to escape such conditions, they wish to return to unsafe countries, and ask for help from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. In such cases, should NGOs and the UN assist refugees to return? Drawing on original data gathered in South Sudan, and existing data from around the world, I argue that they should assist with return if certain conditions are met. First, the UN and NGOs must try to put an end to coercive conditions before helping with return. Secondly, helping with return must not encourage the government to expand the use of coercive policies to encourage more to return. Finally, NGOs and the UN must ensure that refugees are fully informed of the risks of returning. Organizations must either conduct research in countries of origin or lobby the government to allow refugees to visit their countries of origin before making a final decision.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey A. Engel

This chapter evaluates George H. W. Bush as a grand strategist. Determined above all else to preserve the elements of traditional American power amid a tumultuous world and to prevent as much as possible a rapidly transforming world from descending brinto chaos, Bush successfully achieved the markers he set in pursuit of this goal. These included sustaining relations with a reeling China, preserving the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), uniting Germany, negotiating a continental-wide free trade zone designed to counter the rise of Asian and European economic consolidation, and protecting the sanctity of international sovereignty and the import of the United Nations in a post–Cold War world. Ultimately, gauging Bush's success in 1991, or in 2001, or in 2011 produces different answers. A hero in the first instance, perhaps the reason Americans faced problems in the Middle East in the second, he was by the third date largely celebrated for the restraint his son never exhibited. Times changed, his actions in office did not, nor did the central tenets he embraced and embodied as a strategist: he faced instability, believed in the stream of history, and by acting to ensure the American stability he considered paramount to security, helped keep chaos at bay.


1985 ◽  
Vol 1 (S1) ◽  
pp. 296-299
Author(s):  
S. William A. Gunn

In essence, the United Nations Organization was born out of disaster to avert disaster. Be they the work of nature or of man, catastrophic emergencies are not rare occurrences and all studies indicate that they are increasing in frequency and severity.Within the international community, the UN and its component organizations is only one of the three principal partners in disaster relief. The other are the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) – including the Voluntary Agencies (VOLAGS) – and the bilateral donor countries. Collaboration among these sectors is vital if international action is to be effective.This article deals with the UN System only, and in particular with the role of the World Health Organization (WHO) in disaster relief and preparedness.


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