scholarly journals Background, problems and solutions for introducing Islamic insurance in the United Kingdom

2021 ◽  
pp. 130-135
Author(s):  
A. N. Zhilkina ◽  
M.-H. R. Orusbiev

The article is devoted to the study of Islamic insurance in the United Kingdom. It has been established that insurance is a major component of the state’s financial system. At the same time, there has been a rapid development of Islamic finance in recent years. The total Muslim population in the UK in 2020 is 4,130,000. Despite its low Muslim population, Great Britain is taking a proactive stance in developing Islamic finance. Despite the low number of Muslims, Great Britain is taking an active position in the development of Islamic finance. The country has established principles for the development of takafuls, and the market is being regulated. In addition, an ambitious target has been set for London to become an Islamic finance centre. There are currently positive trends in the takaful market. Despite this situation, further development in this area is required.

Author(s):  
S.C. Aveyard

This chapter looks at economic policy in Northern Ireland in the context of severe economic difficulties experienced by the UK as a whole. It shows how the Labour government sought to shield Northern Ireland from economic realities because of the conflict, increasing public expenditure and desperately seeking industrial investment. The level of desperation in this endeavour is illustrated through examples such as Harland & Wolff’s shipyards and the DeLorean Motor Company. The experience of the 1970s, and particularly under the Labour government, set the pattern for the following decades with a steadily increasing subvention from the rest of the United Kingdom and a growing dependence on the public sector, all at a time when the opposite trend took place in Great Britain.


2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-102
Author(s):  
Lesley Dingle ◽  
Bradley Miller

The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland consists of four countries: England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Legislative competence for the UK resides in the Westminster Parliament, but there are three legal systems (England and Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland) with separate courts and legal professions. These legal systems have a unified final court of appeal in the House of Lords. The Isle of Man, and the two Channel Islands (Guernsey and Jersey) are not part of the UK, but possessions of the crown. Although their citizens are subject to the British Nationality Act 1981, the islands have their own legal systems. They are represented by the UK government for the purposes of international relations, but are not formal members of the European Union.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Paula Devine ◽  
Grace Kelly ◽  
Martina McAuley

Within the United Kingdom (UK), many of the arguments driving devolution and Brexit focused on equality. This article assesses how notions of equality have been shaped over the past two decades. Using a chronology of theoretical, political and public interpretations of equality between 1998 and 2018, the article highlights the shifting positions of Northern Ireland (NI) and the rest of the UK. NI once led the way in relation to equality legislation, and equality was the cornerstone of the Good Friday/Belfast peace agreement. However, the Equality Act 2010 in Great Britain meant that NI was left behind. The nature of future UK/EU relationships and how these might influence the direction and extent of the equality debate in the UK is unclear. While this article focuses on the UK, the questions that it raises have global application, due to the international influences on equality discourse and legislation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paolo Muntoni

The United Kingdom has always been receptive to the Danish composer Carl Nielsen. For a long time Great Britain was the only country outside Scandinavia to show interest in his works, which met both the favour of the public and the appreciation of critics. No other country has produced such a comprehensive list of articles, studies and reviews about Nielsen’s music. An overview of the commentaries on Nielsen’s most performed works, namely the Fourth and Fifth Symphony, published on two major British newspapers – The Times and The Guardian – documents how the opinion on his music constantly changed. Critiques range from an initial enthusiastic acclaim to a half-hearted appreciation, and later to revaluation and revival. An analysis of a selected work, the Sixth Symphony, sheds light on the breadth and variety of what can be now considered a well-established research tradition. Robert Simpson pioneered such research in the 1950’s, but it was during the last decade of the 20 th century that the most interesting developments unfolded. Despite the wide range of interpretations, it is possible to track within British research on Carl Nielsen some underlying features that, in interplay with other factors, can help to explain the composer’s popularity in the UK.


2021 ◽  
pp. 88-110

The Armenian people were hopeful that after the capitulation of Turkey in the First World War (WWI) and the dislocation of the Allies troops in Transcaucasia, territories of Western Armenia and Transcaucasia would be included within the First Republic of Armenia. However, the Armenian people experienced another disappointment. In 1918–1920, Great Britain, who had gained dominance in Transcaucasia, ignoring the promises given to the Armenians during the war and their particular contribution to the victory of the Allies, adopted anti-Armenian attitude towards the Karabakh conflict. By constant pressure on the Republic of Armenia and Artsakh, the British strived to achieve hegemony of Azerbaijan over Karabakh, nevertheless, the uncompromising stance and unwavering resistance of the Armenians of Artsakh thwarted the anglo-azerbaijani plan. The anti-Armenian attitude of Great Britain was shaped by its strategic plans. Its main purpose in Transcaucasia was to gain control over the economic and military-political life and withdraw Russia from the region and the East in general. With the aim to carry out this important plan, it chose as an ally its recent rival in e WWI – Turkey, and Azerbaijan, which was created with the latter’s help. This selection was influenced by their military-economic potential and anti-Russian attitude. Nowadays (since 1988) when the Armenians of Karabakh struggle for their reunion with Armenia, from which Karabakh was cut off and annexed to Azerbaijan with the help of Soviet Russia on July 5, 1921, the British adopted anti-Armenian attitude towards the Karabakh conflict once again. They supported the aggressive actions of Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey by all means. The United Kingdom’s attitude proceeds from its political and economic interests. The United Kingdom has a large share of Azerbaijan’s most profitable oil mines, as well as the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan oil pipeline, which was put into operation in 2006 due to its active efforts (30% of the shares in the pipeline are owned by British Petroleum). The anti-Armenian and pro-Azerbaijani policy of Great Britain activated during the Second Karabakh War, which began on September 27, 2020, by Azerbaijan’s aggression against the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (the Republic of Artsakh). British companies expressed their support to Azerbaijan during this war have signed new economic agreements as well as have provided the other side with the maps of mined areas. In October, 2020, during the session in the UN Security Council, the UK suspended resolution of the OSCE Minsk Group member countries with an appeal to stop the war. Hence, the UK supported both war, intervention of the third party countries and terroristic groups in it. Thus, England once again betrayed democracy, justice, right of nations to self-determination, though the United Kingdom publicly presents itself as a protector of these values.


Author(s):  
Chris Game

The key to the core of this chapter is in its title. Constitutionally, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) is still a unitary state comprising three countries – England, Scotland, Wales – plus the province of Northern Ireland. Since 1998, though, the last three have had their own elected parliaments or assemblies and devolved governments, whose responsibilities naturally include most local government functions and operations. It is arguable, therefore, that in practice nowadays the UK is quasi-federal. England, with 84% of the UK population, doesn't have a separate parliament, but is gradually working out its own form of devolution. The chapter describes all these developments, but its detail is largely reserved for the structure and workings of local government in England – elections and elected councillors, services and functions, and its currently rapidly changing finances – and the impact, particularly on councils' financial and policy discretion, of its having, in population terms, by far the largest scale of local government in Western Europe.


Author(s):  
Richard Clements

The Q&A series offers the best preparation for tackling exam questions. Each chapter includes typical questions; diagram problem and essay answer plans, suggested answers, notes of caution, tips on obtaining extra marks, the key debates on each topic and suggestions on further reading. This chapter considers the constitution of the United Kingdom of Great Britain (England, Scotland, and Wales) and Northern Ireland. The questions deal with issues such as whether a written constitution would make a great improvement to the UK system of government; the purpose of constitutional conventions; Dicey’s theory of the rule of law; the meaning of ‘separation of powers’; and its role in the constitutional arrangements of the UK and devolution or federalism.


Public Law ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 159-194
Author(s):  
Andrew Le Sueur ◽  
Maurice Sunkin ◽  
Jo Eric Khushal Murkens

This chapter examines multilevel governing within the UK. It is organized around three levels of governing: national, regional, and local. For most of the twentieth century, Great Britain (England, Wales, and Scotland) formed a centralized political unit, with policymaking and law-making being led by the UK government and the UK Parliament. There was devolved government in Northern Ireland from 1922, but this was brought to an end by the UK government in 1972 amid mounting civil unrest and paramilitary violence. At the local level, there are more than 400 local authorities throughout the United Kingdom. These vary considerably in size, both in terms of their territorial area that they cover and their populations.


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