scholarly journals Industrial Relations in Norway

1970 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjorn Gustavsen ◽  
Gerry Hunnius

The Norwegian industrial relations system is marked by close co-operation between the state, the employers and the unions and by the high degree of institutionalization of labour relations in general and conflict resolution in particulilr. This co-operation arises partly from industrialisation at a time when democratic attitudes and processes were already established and from the need for national unity in the post-war reconstruction. This co-operation and institutionalization is illustrated by the highly centralised trade union movement and in the formal aspects of the bargaining and conflict resolution system such as the Labour Court and the committees and other bodies associated with the incomes policy and tripartite bargaining system.

2010 ◽  
Vol 201 ◽  
pp. 104-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng Chen

AbstractAlthough the Chinese government has claimed to be pursuing tripartism for labour relations, the non-judicial resolution of interest conflict in enterprises is largely a process of quadripartite interaction. In addition to the government and employers, the trade unions and workers are separate players: labour strikes in China are always launched by unorganized workers rather than by trade unions, whose task is to defuse the situation. Such a quadripartite process is dominated by the government, with the trade union playing a mediating role, not only between workers and the government but also between workers and employers. The process involves certain explicit and implicit rules, as well as distinct dynamics. This research examines the institutional and social basis of quadripartite interaction and how it led to the settlement of strikes. It demonstrates that although it can effectively defuse workers' collective action, a quadripartite process of conflict resolution reflects a low degree of institutionalization of industrial relations in China.


1970 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Douglas

The trade union movement in New Zealand has had its fundamental right to bargain with its employees denied it since the last award round in 1981/82. In the time that has elapsed since awards were last negotiated the National Government attempted to radically alter the total environment within which wage negotiations were to be conducted. In the first instance legislation was introduced which removed the unqualified preference clauae from the Industrial Relations Act. Secondly, the National Government sought to reform the wage fixing system in a manner which would effectively see to it that economic conditions took precedence over wage equity in deciding rates of remuneration. Thirdly, the National Government canvassed the concept of changes to existing rules of union coverage so as to make possible the emergence of enterprise based unions and consequentially the development of enterprise based bargaining.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Anderson ◽  
Thomas Brauns

<em>The Liberal National Party (‘LNP’) won 78 out of a possible 89 seats in Queensland’s 2012 state election. Facing a budget blowout, the new Government soon used its control of the state’s unicameral parliament to implement a contentious public sector reform agenda. The LNP’s amendments to Queensland’s employment laws struck at the very heart of many of the accepted ‘ground rules’ of industrial relations. Perhaps most signif-icantly, the Government used its parliamentary majority to remove job security commit-ments given to public servants, paving the way for the loss of thousands of jobs. This paper sets out the key industrial relations reforms adopted by the LNP. The authors dis-cuss the Government’s rationale for the changes, and the reaction from Queensland’s trade union movement. The article concludes with some general observations about the changes adopted during the LNP’s term of Government; a period which will undoubtedly be remembered as a controversial part of Queensland’s industrial relations history.</em>


Several historical, sociocultural, and political dimensions have shaped the development and the discourse and practice of the trade union movement. The characteristics of “traditional” trade union discourse and practice are explored, providing a contextual understanding for the contest, challenge, and change evidenced by the process of translation into the MOU actor network. There are several implications for the “identity,” “relational,” and “ideational” aspects of trade union discourse and industrial relations practice by convergence with the MOU actor network. However, while relationships within the black box of network interaction affords the union movement prominence and access to the powerful halls of leadership and governance, the union constituency becomes contested in acceding to discoursal change and practice resulting in “boxing and dancing” within the new context of diminished adversarialism.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Malles

The author considers whether the multinational corporation constituted a challenge to the industrial relations systems as they have developed in Europe over the last quarter of a century and what response such a challenge found in the trade-union movement.


1991 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bradon Ellem

Plans to restructure the trade union movement have received little critical analysis. The most striking exception to this appeared in the first issue of this journal where Costa and Duffy argued that amalgamation plans were ‘fatally flawed’. This perspective, although drawing out some problems with the ACTU's program, is itself unsatisfactory because too much of its argument remains implicit and it relies on highly debatable assumptions. Like so much industrial relations debate in Australia, the arguments in and about union strategies are made more difficult because they proceed without reference to theory or history. The main burden of this article is, after a detailed analysis of the Costa and Duffy prescription, to show why this matters and to suggest some areas of detailed research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katy Fox-Hodess ◽  
Camilo Santibáñez Rebolledo

This article examines the associational and societal foundations of structural power. A case studyof the ten-year-long history of the Unión Portuaria de Chile is analysed with a focus on a criticaljuncture in 2012–2014. The Chilean dockworker case is an emblematic example of trade unionmovement revitalisation via strikes of strategically positioned workers. Yet ethnographic researchwith the organisation suggests that the role it has come to play in the country was only possible asa result of intensive long-term organising efforts to develop a high degree of internal unity atmultiple scales, as well as sustained alliances with external actors. As a result, the authors argue thatthe most economistic accounts of worker power and trade union movement revitalisation areanalytically insufficient and would benefit from greater attention to associational and societaldimensions of power, even among the most strategically positioned workers.KEYWORDS: trade union revitalisation; structural power; associational power; strategic position; dockworkers


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