scholarly journals Swimming with or Against the Tide: Has the International Labour Organisation Been Co-Opted by Neoliberal Hegemony

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Gemma Habens

<p>Work is one, if not the, primary mechanism through which the majority of the world's population experience economic globalisation. Work is intimately connected to matters of human rights, social equality, welfare, and class struggle and it is increasingly determined by activities that occur in the international and transnational levels. Neoliberal globalisation has fundamentally restructured the world of work. It has also undermined the social democratic worldview of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) on which the global governance portfolio for labour most squarely falls. The ILO's current Director General Juan Somavia, in referring to this era of neoliberal hegemony, has said that "the ILO has often been swimming against the tide". This thesis undertakes a thorough examination of Somavia's statement in order to determine the extent to which the neoliberal tide has saturated the organisation and its ideas?</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Gemma Habens

<p>Work is one, if not the, primary mechanism through which the majority of the world's population experience economic globalisation. Work is intimately connected to matters of human rights, social equality, welfare, and class struggle and it is increasingly determined by activities that occur in the international and transnational levels. Neoliberal globalisation has fundamentally restructured the world of work. It has also undermined the social democratic worldview of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) on which the global governance portfolio for labour most squarely falls. The ILO's current Director General Juan Somavia, in referring to this era of neoliberal hegemony, has said that "the ILO has often been swimming against the tide". This thesis undertakes a thorough examination of Somavia's statement in order to determine the extent to which the neoliberal tide has saturated the organisation and its ideas?</p>


2002 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-251
Author(s):  
Kim Arne Pedersen

Grundtvig på anklagebænken[Grundtvig in the dock]By Kim Arne PedersenThe article opens with a review of Gr’s position after the second World War. The Heretica-era’s positive disposition towards religion and Christianity is inspired by the life-philosophy of Vilhelm Grønbech which in turn serves as a preliminary understanding of Gr’s thinking on the relationship between Christianity and folkelighed, the nourishing of a popular culture. Four significant currents have characterised Danish identity: Grundtvigianism, pietism, Brandes-influenced cultural radicalism and the social-democratic movement. Social-democratic thinking on social equality is examined in connection with the Grundtvigian-tendency’s elevation of the concept of folkelighed.With Reinhart Kosellek’s concept-historical methodology as aprompt, the Grundtvig-based concept offolkelighed is analysed in its association with the concept of liberty, ideas of social equilibrium, the question of a Constitution, and the concept of popular enlightenment (oplysning) in Gr’s authorship. The starting-point is an analysis of Gr’s ideas on Christianity andfolkelighed where it is pointed out that Gr, with his background in a Christian anthropology, emphasises their reciprocal bearing upon each other (vekselvirkning). The chief aim of the article is to demonstrate that the reception of Gr in the period 1883-1983 is characterised by a contest between, on the one hand, a philosophical interpretation of Gr which is linked with an understanding of the folkelighed-concept as an aspiration towards social equality and, on the other hand, a theological interpretation of Gr which concentrates upon humankind’s interaction with God in dialogue as the nub of Gr’s outlook on humankind.The article focuses upon the 1930s, when the social-democratic Education Minister Frederik Borgbjerg seizes upon the egalitarian aspect of Gr’s concept of folkelighed and uses it in the development of Social-Democracy into a national party. Borgberg’s interpretation of Gr embraces those components which characterise the following generation’s image of Gr: he is the supporter of liberty (and thereby tolerance), democracy and social equality, all as understood from their basis in the concept of folkelighed.Borgberg’s and Grønbech’s interpretations of Gr constitute the background to the understanding formed by Professor Hal Koch, church-historian and pillar of the folk-highschool system, of both Gr and the concept offolkelighed. But it is to be emphasised that Koch, in contrast to Borgberg and Grønbech, but in line with the author Jørgen Bukdahl, draws his understanding of the concept offolkelighed from the idea that the interaction between folkelighed and Christianity - that is, between the particular and the universal - is the underpinning perception in Gr’s writings.However, in the post-war period it is the thoughts of Pastor Kaj Thaning concerning the differentiation between Christianity and folkelighed which become dominant. Like Hal Koch, Thaning writes out of inspiration from the life-philosophy of Grønbech, but also like Koch he traces this back to its anchorage within Gr’s Christian universe.Thaning’s differentiation-thesis forms - against his own wishes – a starting-point for the 1970s convergence between the ideas of Gr and left-wing thinking on political emancipation, whereby the tendency from the 1930s now reaches its culmination: grounded in the construction of an adversarial relationship between Gr and grundtvigianism, and in a non-theological interpretation of Gr, the way is clear for Gr to become the leading figure in Danish national self-perception.In 1990 the literary historian and publicist Henning Fonsmark initiated the surge of criticism of Gr which from about 1992 has permeated the Danish public. With its starting-point in the debate over Denmark’s relationship to the European Union and over immigration into Denmark, one may observe a steadily more violent criticism of Gr among intellectuals who have a more or less loose connection to traditional cultural-radical milieus. At the same time the Danish immigration-opposed right wing, identifies itself with Gr - as in the case of the theological ‘Tidehverv’-movement, The Danish Association (Den Danske Forening) and The Danish National Party (Dansk Folkeparti). In contrast to the understanding of Gr hitherto prevailing, Gr is now widely interpreted as hostile to foreigners, intolerant, and the opponent of democracy and social equality.The viewpoint of the article is that both the right-wing use of Gr and the criticism of him are made possible only by an underestimation of his Christian premisses. When Gr’s Christian anthropology - and thereby the fellowship of dialogue between God and humankind - are appreciated as being the very core of his writings, then it becomes possible to maintain an image of Gr as the supporter of liberty, of social equality and of an enlightenment of and for life, which on the one hand appears as a consequence of modernity’s breakthrough in Western Europe and on the other takes its distinctive form from Gr’s understanding of Christianity as the bearer of that universality in whose light the particularity offolkelighed is to be understood. And it is this relationship which renders problematical a nationalistic reading of Gr’s authorship.


Author(s):  
Amit Ahuja

In India, a young democratic system has undermined the legitimacy of a two-thousand-year-old social system that excluded and humiliated an entire people by treating them as untouchables. This incomplete, but irreversible change in Indian society and politics has been authored by the mobilization of some of the most marginalized citizens in the world and counts as one of the most significant achievements of Indian democracy. Dalits, the former untouchables in India, who number over 200 million, have been mobilized by social movements and political parties, but their mobilization is puzzling. Dalits’ parties perform poorly in elections in states historically home to movements demanding social equality while they do well in other states where such movements have been weak or entirely absent. For Dalits, collective action in the social sphere appears to undermine rather than bolster collective action in the electoral sphere. Mobilizing the Marginalized shows how social movements by marginalized ethnic groups—those who are stigmatized by others and disproportionately poor—undermine bloc voting to generate competition for marginalized citizens’ votes across political parties. The book presents evidence showing that a marginalized group gains more from participating in a social movement and dividing support among parties than from voting en bloc for an ethnic party.


1985 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-69
Author(s):  
Eric D. Weitz

In the reichstag election of June 1920, Germany’s Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD) more than doubled its 1919 vote, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) declined precipitously. Coming only nineteen months after the establishment of a German republic, the election indicated widespread discontent with the governments led by the Social Democrats, who had assumed power in November 1918. In Essen, located in the center of the Ruhr and dominated by coal mines and the giant Krupp works, the SPD was almost eliminated as a political force (Essen, Amt für Statistik und Wahlen, n.d.).


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 54-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Gibson

Australian governments of left and right persuasions have seemingly embraced elements of the neoliberal agenda, as in many other parts of the world; but exactly how deeply these have been enacted, and how transformative they have been, must be understood in relation to key colonial, geographical and cultural inheritances. These inheritances include the hegemony of central government stewardship of the economy (essential in a colonized, sparsely populated continent of almost unmanageable scale), a long tradition of social democratic regulation, and cultural expectations of socio-spatial equality. Neoliberal policy projects have been “muted” by on-going equality claims, and some progressive “wins” in the social democratic mould have been forthcoming, even while governments have espoused the ascendancy of the market. Nevertheless, neoliberal policy moves have been most starkly felt in worsening income inequalities – where the evidence is unambiguous of a direct threat to the Australian egalitarian ethos.


Afrika Focus ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Charlene Lubaale

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) envisages that by 2016, no child should be engaged in any form of hazardous labour. This goal is a furtherance of the universally guaranteed right of all children to be protected from child labour. The majority of, if not all African states recognise the right of children to be protected from child labour. This means that this freedom cannot be taken away from children. This notwithstanding, Africa registers the highest incidence of child labour in the world and it is highly unlikely that with the current pace, the ILO target will be hit. This article argues that whereas recognising the right of children to be protected from child labour is an ideal perspective through which child labour should be viewed and addressed, such recognition cannot of itself form a complete solution to the problem. Translating this right into reality requires conscious efforts, not only on the part of African governments but the international community as a whole. Key words: Africa, child labour, rights of children 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Solis-Mullen

In order to maintain their dominant socio-economic and political positions, Brazilian elites developed and employed a range of strategies in order to maintain the basic inequality regime established during the colonial period. Still among the most unequal countries in the world by Gini Coefficient, this paper seeks to show how Brazilian elites maintained their position of relative dominance through superstructural and material transformations in Brazilian society in terms of their collectively finding solutions to four problems: the Ideology of Creole Revolution, Unmanaged Elite Competition, Race Relations, and Democracy. As the latter three remain serious problems for Brazilian elites, the way previous elites navigated these threats to their position and maintained the basic nature of the inequality regime through transformations in the material base and superstructure provide insights into how Bolsonaro and contemporary conservative elites may attempt to manage the social democratic forces of the PT.


2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-207
Author(s):  
Chanaka Wickremasinghe

AbstractOn one reading the decision of the International Labour Organisation Administrative Tribunal (ILOAT) on the complaint of Jose Bustani against Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) appears to take the law of international organisations in new directions in relation to the vexed question of judicial review of the acts of the political organs of international organisations. The judgment purports to set aside a decision of the plenary organ of the OPCW to remove its Director-General before the expiry of his fixed-term employment contract. However, the position of the chief administrative officer of an international organisation has a dual aspect, in that as well as being an employee of the organisation he or she also plays a significant "constitutional" role as part of the structure of the organisation, with significant responsibilities contributing to the fulfilment of its functions. The judgment of the ILOAT seeks as far as possible to treat the Director-General as simply an employee of the organisation and only occasionally focuses on his broader role within the organisation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Solis-Mullen

In order to maintain their dominant socio-economic and political positions, Brazilian elites developed and employed a range of strategies in order to maintain the basic inequality regime established during the colonial period. Still among the most unequal countries in the world by Gini Coefficient, this paper seeks to show how Brazilian elites maintained their position of relative dominance through superstructural and material transformations in Brazilian society in terms of their collectively finding solutions to four problems: the Ideology of Creole Revolution, Unmanaged Elite Competition, Race Relations, and Democracy. As the latter three remain serious problems for Brazilian elites, the way previous elites navigated these threats to their position and maintained the basic nature of the inequality regime through transformations in the material base and superstructure provide insights into how Bolsonaro and contemporary conservative elites may attempt to manage the social democratic forces of the PT.


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