The social democratic theory of the class struggle

Author(s):  
Peter Clarke
1987 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Pettit

The paper attempts two tasks. The first is to provide a characterization of the social democratic approach which sets it in contrast to liberal democratic theories. This is pursued by contrasting the different interpretations of the ideal of equal respect which are associated with the two approaches. The second task is to establish that the social democratic approach is, if not clearly superior, at least worth considering further. This task is pursued by the attempt to vindicate three assumptions which the social democratic approach must make about the state.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Gemma Habens

<p>Work is one, if not the, primary mechanism through which the majority of the world's population experience economic globalisation. Work is intimately connected to matters of human rights, social equality, welfare, and class struggle and it is increasingly determined by activities that occur in the international and transnational levels. Neoliberal globalisation has fundamentally restructured the world of work. It has also undermined the social democratic worldview of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) on which the global governance portfolio for labour most squarely falls. The ILO's current Director General Juan Somavia, in referring to this era of neoliberal hegemony, has said that "the ILO has often been swimming against the tide". This thesis undertakes a thorough examination of Somavia's statement in order to determine the extent to which the neoliberal tide has saturated the organisation and its ideas?</p>


1980 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-75
Author(s):  
Stanley Hoffmann

It is impossible not to be struck by the present sad state of democratic theory. I mean by democratic theory the quest for a social and political order that would give to citizens the greatest possible control of their fate — a formula obviously broad enough to be compatible with a vast variety of institutional experiments. This sad slate is the result of three facts : the demise of past democratic theory, i.e.. liberal theory ; the tragedy of socialist theory, which aimed at unmasking the fallacies and remedying the vices of liberalism ; the current decline of political philosophy. I will briefly examine the first fact below. As for the second, since my purpose in this note is not to review past theories but to try to understand why the dominant one went wrong and to suggest a few starting points for reconstruction, let me say simply that socialist theory seems split between perversion and impotence. There is perversion insofar as its Marxist-Leninist version has led to less, not more democracy, through the establishment not of classless societies, but of dictatorships over classes in the name of future liberation, to a ruthless suppression or denial of political liberties, and to the imposition of formidable sacrifices on individuals (justified by the « construction of socialism ») without their consent And there is impotence insofar as the social-democratic version, which defines socialism as the extension of political democracy to economic concentrations of power, i.e., the application of democratic procedures to all common enterprises, whether economic or political, has seemed incapable of achieving its goal, by contrast with liberal theory which, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, had succeeded in inspiring and mobilizing enough of a coalition of political and social forces to overthrow authoritarian and feudal regimes in a number of countries. (There is therefore an essential difference between the demise of liberal theory and the impotence of social democracy : the former results from developments subsequent to, indeed partly provoked by, the success of liberalism, the latter results from the inability to overcome the trends that have undermined reigning liberalism).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Gemma Habens

<p>Work is one, if not the, primary mechanism through which the majority of the world's population experience economic globalisation. Work is intimately connected to matters of human rights, social equality, welfare, and class struggle and it is increasingly determined by activities that occur in the international and transnational levels. Neoliberal globalisation has fundamentally restructured the world of work. It has also undermined the social democratic worldview of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) on which the global governance portfolio for labour most squarely falls. The ILO's current Director General Juan Somavia, in referring to this era of neoliberal hegemony, has said that "the ILO has often been swimming against the tide". This thesis undertakes a thorough examination of Somavia's statement in order to determine the extent to which the neoliberal tide has saturated the organisation and its ideas?</p>


Author(s):  
Aled Davies

This book is a study of the political economy of Britain’s chief financial centre, the City of London, in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher’s first Conservative government in 1979. The primary purpose of the book is to evaluate the relationship between the financial sector based in the City, and the economic strategy of social democracy in post-war Britain. In particular, it focuses on how the financial system related to the social democratic pursuit of national industrial development and modernization, and on how the norms of social democratic economic policy were challenged by a variety of fundamental changes to the City that took place during the period....


Author(s):  
Aled Davies

This chapter concerns the politics of managing the domestic banking system in post-war Britain. It examines the pressures brought to bear on the post-war settlement in banking during the 1960s and 1970s—in particular, the growth of new credit creating institutions and the political demand for more competition between banks. This undermined the social democratic model for managing credit established since the war. The chapter focuses in particular on how the Labour Party attempted in the 1970s to produce a banking system that was competitive, efficient, and able to channel credit to the struggling industrial economy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mads Thau

Abstract In Denmark, as in other Western European countries, the working class does not vote for social democratic parties to the same extent as before. Yet, what role did the social democratic parties themselves play in the demobilization of class politics? Building on core ideas from public opinion literature, this article differs from the focus on party policy positions in previous work and, instead, focuses on the group-based appeals of the Social Democratic Party in Denmark. Based on a quantitative content analysis of party programs between 1961 and 2004, I find that, at the general level, class-related appeals have been replaced by appeals targeting non-economic groups. At the specific level, the class-related appeals that remain have increasingly been targeting businesses at the expense of traditional left-wing groups such as wage earners, tenants and pensioners. These findings support a widespread hypothesis that party strategy was crucial in the decline of class politics, but also suggests that future work on class mobilization should adopt a group-centered perspective.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-220
Author(s):  
Hannah Tischmann

AbstractThis article analyses literary approaches to the relation between the folkhem, the Swedish welfare state, and the miljonprogram (a public housing program between 1965 and 1974 implemented by the social democratic government with the aim to build 1 million homes to solve the housing shortage). Since its initiation, this housing program has been subjected to critique addressing, among others, issues with quality and the promotion of segregation and social exclusion. Literary discussions since the mid-1960s have both responded to this critique and challenged it. They have questioned the impact of welfare politics on a still divided society by drawing on negative aspects of miljonprogram-areas. Recent texts that negotiate class and ethnicity, however, reclaim these areas with positive descriptions. They highlight their meaning as homes for a large part of Swedish contemporary society and thereby re-connect to the original idea of the folkhem – a home for the people.


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