scholarly journals Sex trafficking, victimisation and agency: The experiences of migrant women in Malaysia

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Haezreena Begum binti Abdul Hamid

<p>Malaysia has criminalised sex work. However, its geographic location, porous borders and proximity to major trade and traffic routes have ensured a growth in sex trafficking activities. As a result, the ‘United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’ and the ‘United States Trafficking in Persons Report’ have categorised Malaysia as a destination, transit and source point for sex trafficking in Asia. In response to such categorisations, Malaysia has ratified the (Palermo) ‘Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children’ and structured its anti-trafficking laws around prosecution, protection and prevention (referred to as the ‘3P’ policy).  This thesis shows that the enforcement of victim-protection policies is carried out in contradictory ways in Malaysia. Trafficked women are portrayed as victims in need of care and protection, but also as individuals who have violated immigration laws and engaged in ‘immoral’ acts. This results in state practices that (re)victimise women through policing, immigration and court processes which are often deeply stressful, traumatising and violent. Punitive practices – including ‘state and rescue’ operations and long-term detention – have been legitimised and branded as ‘victim protection’. In this context, the thesis argues that current policies and practices represent a continuing form of violence against migrant women in Malaysia.  Based on in-depth qualitative interviews, the thesis draws upon the stories of twenty-nine women who have been arrested and detained on the basis of their sex trafficked status as well as the perspectives of twelve anti-trafficking professionals involved in delivering the 3P policy. In doing so, the thesis shows how women are subject to prolonged victimisation at the hands of both traffickers and state authorities. However, it also provides an understanding of the ways in which ‘sex-trafficked’ women exercise courage, strength and resiliency in the face of the continuing harms against them. By demonstrating the nuances of agency throughout women’s migration experiences, the thesis challenges the stereotypical understanding of an ‘ideal’ victim of trafficking – commonly linked to images of passivity, weakness and worthiness.  By providing an insight into women’s experiences of sex-trafficking and state ‘protection’, the thesis develops a more nuanced account of agency. Thus, the thesis argues that the state’s prevention of sex-trafficking as well as the protection of trafficked women cannot be progressively advanced without a fuller appreciation of women’s dual ‘victim’ and ‘agent’ identities. The thesis explores the implications of these findings on developing ‘anti-sex trafficking’ policies towards women in Malaysia.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Haezreena Begum binti Abdul Hamid

<p>Malaysia has criminalised sex work. However, its geographic location, porous borders and proximity to major trade and traffic routes have ensured a growth in sex trafficking activities. As a result, the ‘United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’ and the ‘United States Trafficking in Persons Report’ have categorised Malaysia as a destination, transit and source point for sex trafficking in Asia. In response to such categorisations, Malaysia has ratified the (Palermo) ‘Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children’ and structured its anti-trafficking laws around prosecution, protection and prevention (referred to as the ‘3P’ policy).  This thesis shows that the enforcement of victim-protection policies is carried out in contradictory ways in Malaysia. Trafficked women are portrayed as victims in need of care and protection, but also as individuals who have violated immigration laws and engaged in ‘immoral’ acts. This results in state practices that (re)victimise women through policing, immigration and court processes which are often deeply stressful, traumatising and violent. Punitive practices – including ‘state and rescue’ operations and long-term detention – have been legitimised and branded as ‘victim protection’. In this context, the thesis argues that current policies and practices represent a continuing form of violence against migrant women in Malaysia.  Based on in-depth qualitative interviews, the thesis draws upon the stories of twenty-nine women who have been arrested and detained on the basis of their sex trafficked status as well as the perspectives of twelve anti-trafficking professionals involved in delivering the 3P policy. In doing so, the thesis shows how women are subject to prolonged victimisation at the hands of both traffickers and state authorities. However, it also provides an understanding of the ways in which ‘sex-trafficked’ women exercise courage, strength and resiliency in the face of the continuing harms against them. By demonstrating the nuances of agency throughout women’s migration experiences, the thesis challenges the stereotypical understanding of an ‘ideal’ victim of trafficking – commonly linked to images of passivity, weakness and worthiness.  By providing an insight into women’s experiences of sex-trafficking and state ‘protection’, the thesis develops a more nuanced account of agency. Thus, the thesis argues that the state’s prevention of sex-trafficking as well as the protection of trafficked women cannot be progressively advanced without a fuller appreciation of women’s dual ‘victim’ and ‘agent’ identities. The thesis explores the implications of these findings on developing ‘anti-sex trafficking’ policies towards women in Malaysia.</p>


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy Macias-Konstantopoulos

Trafficking in persons, or human trafficking, is the obtaining of persons by force, fraud, coercion, or other improper means, with the intention of exploiting them for financial gain. According to the US Department of State, the more prominent global forms of human trafficking include forced labor, bonded labor (or debt bondage), forced commercial sexual exploitation (or sex trafficking), involuntary domestic servitude, forced child labor, child sex trafficking, child soldiering, and organ trafficking. In the United States, the forced exploitation of persons in the labor industry (i.e., labor trafficking) and in the commercial sex industry (i.e., sex trafficking) account for the majority of human trafficking cases recognized, reported, investigated, and prosecuted. Women and girls account for 55% (11.4 million) of the global trafficked population, whereas men and boys comprise the difference. Three quarters of trafficked persons are adults, whereas children younger than 18 years represent 26% (5.5 million) of victims. Risk factors that have been associated with increased risk of human trafficking include but are not limited to a childhood history of abuse and neglect; financial insecurity; housing instability associated with homelessness, running away, or being thrown out of the home; kinship placements with distant family members, foster care, and other residential placements; intellectual and learning disabilities; identification as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning (LGBTQ); racial and ethnic minority status; status as an immigrant, migrant worker, and refugee; and involvement in gangs or illicit substance use. Due to the inherently abusive and violent nature of this crime, human trafficking has profound negative implications for the health and well-being of affected persons. This review contains 2 figures, 4 tables and 53 references Key words: commercial sexual exploitation, debt bondage, domestic servitude, forced labor, forced substance use, HIV, modern-day slavery, posttraumatic stress disorder, trafficking in persons 


2012 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 24-28
Author(s):  
Karen Dyer ◽  
Nathaniel Dickey ◽  
Sarah Smith ◽  
Hannah Helmy

Human trafficking is a pervasive issue in the United States (Florida State 2003:16). While an estimated 18,000-20,000 persons are trafficked across the nation's borders each year, this may be a dramatic underestimation of actual occurrence due to the hidden nature of human trafficking crimes and the fact that this number does not include domestic trafficking incidents (Florida State 2003:16). Federal anti-trafficking legislation defines "trafficking in persons" to mean those compelled into commercial sex acts (sex trafficking) or labor and services (labor trafficking) through force, fraud or coercion (United States Congress 2000). Although exact data regarding the incidence of human trafficking in Florida are currently unavailable, it is considered a lucrative trafficking hub—often being cited as one of the top three states in which the crime occurs. This is principally because of its agriculture- and tourism-based economy, two industries in which trafficking can thrive with relatively little resistance (Florida State 2003:27). Indeed, Miami International Airport has ranked among the "top points of entry for trafficking" since as early as 1999 (Florida State 2003:28). The lack of comprehensive data also precludes a clear picture of the demographics and nationalities of all trafficked persons in Florida, but figures from the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops provide a snapshot of certified victims of trafficking who are receiving federal benefits. In a four-year period ending August 2010, 274 trafficked persons received federal benefits; of these individuals, 127 were female, 147 were male, and the top five nationalities were those from Haiti (81), the Phillipines (65), Mexico (42), Guatemala (13), and Honduras (12) (Florida State 2010:39-40).


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Jessica L. Liddell ◽  
Catherine E. McKinley ◽  
Jennifer M. Lilly

Settler-colonialism is founded in environmental racism, and environmental justice is foundational to all forms of decolonialization. Native American groups located in the Gulf Coast Region of the United States are particularly vulnerable to environmental justice issues such as climate change and oil spills due to their geographic location and reliance on the coastal region for economic and social resources. This study used the framework of historical oppression, resilience, and transcendence (FHORT) to explore the historic and contemporary forms of environmental injustice experienced by a Native American tribe in the Gulf Coast region of the United States. This critical ethnography analyzeda series of individual, family, and focus group semi-structured qualitative interviews with a total of 208 participants. Following the critical ethnographic method, data were interpreted through reconstructive analysis using NVivo. Findings of this study reveal the continuing impact of the BP oil spill and difficulty accessing resources following the spill, complicated by the tribe’s lack of federal recognition. Additional themes include the continuing impact of coastal erosion, historical and contemporary land loss, geographic marginalization, and concerns about a loss of tribal identity when tribal members are forced to relocate. Lack of federal tribal recognition has exacerbated all of these issues for this tribe. This study supports national findings that Native American groups experience extensive historic and contemporary environmental injustices and contextualizes these findings for a Native American tribe in the Gulf Coast region of the United States. Recognizing Native American sovereignty is key to addressing the environmental justice issues described.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 671-706
Author(s):  
Zachary Ford

In the past twenty years, the United States has witnessed over half of its states create marijuana laws that expressly contradict the federal government’s complete ban of the drug. Nine states have completely legalized marijuana for recreational use in the past five years alone. Meanwhile, much of the country remains staunchly opposed to legalization in any form. This difference between state and federal law has the largest negative impact on noncitizens, namely lawful permanent residents whom reside in states that follow the federal government’s complete ban. Congress’s Immigration and Nationality Act broadly defines “conviction,” so even minor drug convictions under the Controlled Substances Act—like simple possession of marijuana—render lawful permanent residents deportable. This problem is a constitutional violation because lawful permanent residents found possessing marijuana in a legal-regime state suffer no consequences; whereas one found possessing marijuana in an illegal-regime state is arrested and immediately taken to an immigration detention center to await potential deportation. This disparate treatment results from a sole difference between the two noncitizens: their geographic location. Thus, the federal government’s failure to uniformly enforce its marijuana laws constitutes a violation of lawful permanent residents’ Fourteenth Amendment right to equal protection. Although Congress has traditionally been afforded great deference when constructing the country’s immigration laws under the plenary power doctrine, such a disparate result supports the argument that the government’s failure to act has no rational basis in its own laws, which demands action. This Comment argues that the federal government is depriving lawful permanent residents of their Fourteenth Amendment constitutional right to equal protection by refusing to uniformly enforce its marijuana laws. Thus, lawful permanent residents experience disparate treatment and face potential deportation based solely on their geographic location.


Author(s):  
Luis F. Riquelme

Abstract Passing the Praxis Examination in speech-language pathology or audiology can be a difficult task. A passing score is the entry to a list of requirements for national certification (CCC-SLP, CCC-A) and for state licensure in the United States. This article will provide current information on the examination and address barriers to success that have been identified over the years. A call to action may serve to refocus efforts on improving access to success for all test-takers regardless of race/ethnicity, ability, or geographic location.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


Author(s):  
Madeline Y. Hsu

This chapter analyzes immigration reform and the knowledge worker recruitment aspects of the Hart–Celler Act of 1965 to track the intensifying convergence of educational exchange programs, economic nationalism, and immigration reform. During the Cold War, the State Department expanded cultural diplomacy programs so that the numbers of international students burgeoned, particularly in the fields of science. Although the programs were initially conceived as a way of instilling influence over the future leaders of developing nations, international students, particularly from Taiwan, India, and South Korea, took advantage of minor changes in immigration laws and bureaucratic procedures that allowed students, skilled workers, and technical trainees to gain legal employment and eventually permanent residency and thereby remain in the United States.


Author(s):  
Christopher A. Bail

In July 2010, Terry Jones, the pastor of a small fundamentalist church in Florida, announced plans to burn two hundred Qur'ans on the anniversary of the September 11 attacks. Though he ended up canceling the stunt in the face of widespread public backlash, his threat sparked violent protests across the Muslim world that left at least twenty people dead. This book demonstrates how the beliefs of fanatics like Jones are inspired by a rapidly expanding network of anti-Muslim organizations that exert profound influence on American understanding of Islam. The book traces how the anti-Muslim narrative of the political fringe has captivated large segments of the American media, government, and general public, validating the views of extremists who argue that the United States is at war with Islam and marginalizing mainstream Muslim-Americans who are uniquely positioned to discredit such claims. Drawing on cultural sociology, social network theory, and social psychology, the book shows how anti-Muslim organizations gained visibility in the public sphere, commandeered a sense of legitimacy, and redefined the contours of contemporary debate, shifting it ever outward toward the fringe. The book illustrates the author's pioneering theoretical argument through a big-data analysis of more than one hundred organizations struggling to shape public discourse about Islam, tracing their impact on hundreds of thousands of newspaper articles, television transcripts, legislative debates, and social media messages produced since the September 11 attacks. The book also features in-depth interviews with the leaders of these organizations, providing a rare look at how anti-Muslim organizations entered the American mainstream.


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