scholarly journals ANALOGY OF THE COVID-19 CRISIS AND THE BOSNIAN WAR-SIEGE; PSYCHOLOGICAL, SOCIOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL SECURITY PERSPECTIVE

2021 ◽  
pp. 81-93
Author(s):  
Faruk HADŽIĆ

The study qualitatively explores the pandemic and Sarajevo War-Siege from the psychological, sociological, and political security perspectives. As a direct indicator of behavioral variability within extreme conditions, the author refers to structural interviews with war-siege participants. The citizens can recognize the 1990s in some manifestations of the pandemic, including crisis staff formation that reflects ethnopolitics (ethnic-political boundaries) rather than instills public confidence. Life in the conditions of radical changes leaves a trace that does not have to be exclusively emotional but cognitive. The state of war-siege meant deconstructing the pre-war way of life and new ways of coping with war conditions. Maintaining routines is a link to pre-war life; continuity of norms and values allows for mental stability maintenance. During the siege, people had an acute perception of space and time. Space was something where the danger came from and the time spent in that space needed to be reduced. We have similar functions during the pandemic, reflecting on people's thoughts. Those who have adequately gone through the trauma that lasted during the siege have adapted well to "extreme" conditions and can develop protective mechanisms. Human thought focuses on the repetitive and familiar in today's world, while some extreme event interprets as the exception; such exceptional events are crucial in creating the future. Regardless of the political system's axis, confidence in the political elites must be sufficient. Prevention of fear and panic in the war's geographical area should be based on quality peacetime preparation through education and psychological commitment.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
D. A. Abgadzhava ◽  
A. S. Vlaskina

War is an essential part of the social reality inherent in all stages of human development: from the primitive communal system to the present, where advanced technologies and social progress prevail. However, these characteristics do not make our society more peaceful, on the contrary, according to recent research and reality, now the number of wars and armed conflicts have increased, and most of the conflicts have a pronounced local intra-state character. Thus, wars in the classical sense of them go back to the past, giving way to military and armed conflicts. Now the number of soldiers and the big army doesn’t show the opponents strength. What is more important is the fact that people can use technology, the ideological and informational base to win the war. According to the history, «weak» opponent can be more successful in conflict if he has greater cohesion and ideological unity. Modern wars have already transcended the political boundaries of states, under the pressure of certain trends, they are transformed into transnational wars, that based on privatization, commercialization and obtaining revenue. Thus, the present paper will show a difference in understanding of terms such as «war», «military conflict» and «armed conflict». And also the auteurs will tell about the image of modern war and forecasts for its future transformation.


1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 53-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Schwartz

While shareholders own the corporation, they cannot be said to run it. Champions of shareholder participatory rights cling to the idea that shareholder democracy limits the power of managers. Managers, for their part, uphold the democratic process as the basis of their power, dismissing claims that power has become unhinged from ownership. Public confidence that a democratic system functions in corporations—that managers, who exercise substantial power over our lives, are responsive to a governance process—may be misplaced, and this misplaced confidence becomes significant as the political activities and rights of a corporation grow. What, then, is the meaning of “shareholder democracy”?


1994 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 75-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel S. Migdal ◽  
Baruch Kimmerling

No period was more decisive in the modern history of Palestine than the British Mandate, which lasted from the end of World War I until 1948. Not only did British rule establish the political boundaries of Palestine, the new realities forced both Jews and Arabs in the country to redefine their social boundaries and self-identity. But the cataclysmic events that continued through 1948, with the creation of Israel and what Arabs called al-Nakba (the catastrophe of dispersal and exile), took shape in the wake of key changes stretching over the last century of Ottoman rule. What was to be Palestine after World War I became increasingly more integrated territorially during the nineteenth century. And Arab society in the last century of Ottoman rule underwent critical changes that paved the way for the emergence of a Palestinian people in the twentieth century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Felix Lo

In the 20th century, several scholars across different disciplines have explored the relations between sociality and the associated perceptions of time and space. This paper draws on their theories to study how the Facebook News Feed feature inscribes users with a certain kind of temporality and spatiality. Building on Manual Castells' characterization of online activities as a "temporal collage" it argues that, through the interactions with News Feeds, users encounter the desequencing of the temporality of their social space. It further analyzes a News Feed page as a temporal object as defined by Bernard Stiegler, and adopts his critique of cinematic time to reveal how this feature inscribes an "always on" behavior for users even when they are offline. It concludes by discussing the political significance of this temporality and spatiality in two different senses: the constant acceleration in the pace of life and online surveillance. It draws on David Harvey's concept of space-time compression to discuss the relations between the temporality of Facebook and capitalism, and on Anthony Gidden's time-space distantiation to discuss the power relations of online surveillance.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Bazzi ◽  
Matthew Gudgeon

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Machin

The Anthropocene diagnosis, in which humanity has become a disruptive geological force, indicates an irresolvable political paradox. The political demos is inevitably and necessarily bounded. The Anthropocene, however, heralds the anthropos—the globalized more-than-human identity. The anthropos challenges the maintenance of political boundaries, yet any robust response to ecological predicament must be underpinned by a decisive demos. This article, informed by theories of political agonism, suggests that this paradox importantly provokes ongoing political contestation of the inevitable yet contingent exclusions from politics and the proper place of political boundaries in the Anthropocene. The article concludes that the Anthropocene diagnosis provides an opportunity for a lively democratic politics in which the demos is always prompted to reimagine itself and asks, who are “we” in the Anthropocene?


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 938-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Laxer

AbstractIn July 2010, following a year-long nationwide debate over Islamic veiling, the French government passed a law prohibiting facial coverings in all public spaces. Prior research attributes this and other restrictive laws to France's republican secular tradition. This article takes a different approach. Building on literature that sees electoral politics as a site for articulating, rather than merely reflecting, social identities, I argue that the 2010 ban arose in significant part out of political parties’ struggles to demarcate the boundaries of legitimate politics in the face of an ultra-right electoral threat. Specifically, I show that in seeking to prevent the ultra-right National Front party from monopolizing the religious signs issue, France's major right and left parties agreed to portray republicanism as requiring the exclusion of face veiling from public space. Because it was forged in conflict, however, the consensus thus generated is highly fractured and unstable. It conceals ongoing conflict, both between and within political parties, over the precise meaning(s) of French republican nationhood. The findings thus underscore the relationship between boundary-drawing in the political sphere and the process of demarcating the cultural and political boundaries of nationhood in contexts of immigrant diversity.


1997 ◽  
Vol 117-118 ◽  
pp. 27-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tope Omoniyi

Abstract Identity is an important phenomenon both in traditional and in modern Africa. Before the advent of colonialism, people and communities were identified largely by ethnicity within a political framework. However, within each of the ethnic units, there were other parameters by which people were sub-categorised such as family, ancestral trade/calling, Many language attitude studies have investigated the relative popularity of competing languages in multi-ethnic and multilingual mainstream societies (GREENFIELD 1968, LAMBERT et al. 1975, GILES et al. 1983). In post-colonial Africa focus is on the competition between the languages of complex ethnic societies and erstwhile kingdoms now yoked together as one. In communities which straddle the continents' arbitrarily fixed international political boundaries, attitudes have been established as expressing the political alignments and preferred identities of their residents (OMONIYI, B. 1994). This paper will attempt to demonstrate that the language attitudes of members of borderland communities are also expressions of their identities which are variable. The data upon which the discussion will be based come from the Idiroko/Igolo border on Nigeria's southwestern frontier with Benin. Sociolinguistics, Boundaries, Bilateral, Language Politics, Identity.


2012 ◽  
Vol 165 (3) ◽  
pp. 108-120
Author(s):  
Lech CHOJNOWSKI

Security is of political nature; however, it does not stand for the essence of political security. This security category is a result of the application of the sector security analysis methodology. According to the methodology, all security-related issues are divided into sectors where detailed analyses are conducted with the application of specialized research methods, techniques and means. The use of sector methodology is a consequence of widening the meaning of contemporary security that makes it complex and multidimensional. A comprehensive security analysis can be confined to six sectors: political, military, economic, ecological, societal and common security. The contents of the political security sector are varied and hinged upon the level of analysis and the security subject type the analysis is conducted for. Generally, the political security of political units means the state of the certainty of existence, sovereign functioning and development of its political system. It is achieved as a result of lack of political threats or possession of appropriate capability to protect against them.Crucial to understanding political security are political threats, which are occurrences, processes and activities that can harm the existence, sovereign functioning and development of a political unit’s political system, but only those not included in other security sectors.The article provides a general overview of the political security sector and political security, and can be a starting point for further detailed analysis conducted from the perspective of specific subject categories placed on varied levels of analysis.


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