scholarly journals “They’d Lost Everything and Were Not Qualified”: The Legacy of the Unmet Education Promises Made in Treaty 7

Author(s):  
Tarisa Dawn Little

This paper provides an analysis of the education promises made in Treaty 7 by the Crown and federal government of Canada. Signed on the banks of the Bow River at Blackfoot Crossing in 1877, the treaty was desired by both government officials and Indigenous Nations in what is now southern Alberta—the Tsuu T’ina, the Stoney Nakoda, and the Blackfoot Confederacy: Siksika, Piikani, Kainai.  As this thesis will demonstrate though, Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples viewed the meaning of the treaty in conflicting ways. This paper focuses on the creation and management of the schools in the Treaty 7 territories from 1877, the year Treaty 7 was “signed”, to 1923, the year in which industrial and boarding schools were merged to form the new category of “residential school” and the decade in which government policy for schools for Indigenous peoples began to take a new, less ambitious direction. The implementation of schools by the Department of Indian Affairs and their church partners, the type of education that was being offered to First Nations peoples, as well as First Nations responses will be examined. 

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-43
Author(s):  
Roger A. Boyer

The Canadian Government released a document to aid in the relationships between the Government of Canada and First Nations around the ratification and redesign of the Indian Act of 1876. The name of this document was the “White Paper.” The Federal Government's “White Paper, statement of Government of Canada on Indian Policy of 1969,” rejected the concept of special status for First Nations within confederation—they should have the same rights and responsibilities as other Canadians. The Federal Government argued treaty rights were irrelevant in today's society; the important issues demanding attention included economic, educational, and social problems. In Canada's assessment of the “savage” situation, the government could not see wellness wholistically addressing the poverty, social crises, and bleak future faced by most First Peoples was rooted in the very denial of treaty rights and humanness. This article pushes to educate health leaders about current circumstances contributing to racism.


Author(s):  
Vanessa Sloan Morgan ◽  
Heather Castleden ◽  

AbstractCanada celebrated its 150th anniversary since Confederation in 2017. At the same time, Canada is also entering an era of reconciliation that emphasizes mutually respectful and just relationships between Indigenous Peoples and the Crown. British Columbia (BC) is uniquely situated socially, politically, and economically as compared to other Canadian provinces, with few historic treaties signed. As a result, provincial, federal, and Indigenous governments are attempting to define ‘new relationships’ through modern treaties. What new relationships look like under treaties remains unclear though. Drawing from a comprehensive case study, we explore Huu-ay-aht First Nations—a signatory of the Maa-nulth Treaty, implemented in 2011—BC and Canada’s new relationship by analysing 26 interviews with treaty negotiators and Indigenous leaders. A disconnect between obligations outlined in the treaty and how Indigenous signatories experience changing relations is revealed, pointing to an asymmetrical dynamic remaining in the first years of implementation despite new relationships of modern treaty.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-310
Author(s):  
Graham Harvey

Being Indigenous seems, by definition, to be about belonging to a place. Sometimes it is even defined as belonging in specific places. Near synonyms like “native” and “aboriginal” can be used to locate people in relation to ancestral, pre-invasion / pre-colonial places. However, Indigenous peoples are no more enclosed by geography than other-than-indigenous peoples. Complex and extensive trade routes and migration patterns are important features of the pasts of many Indigenous nations. Tangible and intangible goods were gifted or exchanged to ferment and cement inter-national relations. In the present era, Indigenous peoples have a significant presence in global forums such as the United Nations (UN), in environmental discussions, in cultural festivals and in diasporic communities. This text uses Indigenous performances at the annual (Sámi organised) Riddu Riddu festival in arctic Norway and the biennial Origins Festival of First Nations hosted in London, U.K., to exemplify explicit and taken-for-granted knowledge of place-as-community. The entailment of animistic insistence, that places are multi-species communities requiring respectful and mutualistic interaction, points to the transformative potential of Indigenous spatiality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alika T. Lafontaine ◽  
Christopher J. Lafontaine

It is well-established that Indigenous Peoples continue to experience a lower level of health than non-Indigenous Peoples in Canada. For many health leaders, finding practical strategies to close the gap in health disparities remains elusive. In this retrospective study, we will illustrate our own experience of transformational change using design and systems thinking tools toward a primary outcome of multi-stakeholder alignment. Using this approach enabled three Indigenous Provincial/Territorial Organizations (IPTOs) representing more than 150 First Nations communities from Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Ontario to establish the largest community-led, collaborative approach to health transformation in Canada at the time. These IPTOs have gone on to pursue some of the most ambitious health transformation initiatives in Canada and in September 2018, were granted $68 million in funding support by the Government of Canada. If health leaders are looking at an alternative approach to closing the gap in Indigenous health, alignment thinking has shown promising results.


2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ron Phillips

The federal government of Canada has constitutional responsibility for First Nations education.  There is no evidence that the federal government has attempted to develop a comprehensive First Nations education system.  Most studies have found serious flaws in the current realities faced by First Nations children attending First Nations-controlled schools throughout Canada (e.g., low levels of academic achievement, lack of second-level specialist support, inadequate school facilities, and low teacher pay). These difficulties are not found in provincial schools in which the federal government supports First Nations students. Despite its poor track record in First Nations education, the federal government remains convinced that it knows what is best for First Nations children attending First Nations schools across Canada. First Nations educational involvement, knowledge and expertise are not really considered.  The idea of "First Nations control of First Nations education" is really meaningless. This paper critiques the current education system and makes recommendations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva M Jewell

The following analysis utilizes data drawn from the 2012 Aboriginal Peoples Survey (APS) to examine the effects of age, sex, education, household type, and exposure to Indigenous[1] language inside the home and outside the home on the perceived importance of Indigenous language for Indigenous people living in urban centres across Canada. The results of the regression analysis indicate that “exposure to Indigenous language inside the home” and “exposure to Indigenous language outside the home” is directly related to how important Indigenous language is perceived by urban Indigenous peoples.[1] Statistics Canada and the Government of Canada utilize the term “Aboriginal” to identify First Nations, Metis, and Inuit peoples. The author has chosen to use “Indigenous”, a term that communicates the quality of being original in land and place. 


1998 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Stiglitz

[Joseph Stiglitz was a member of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1993–95, and chairman of the CEA from 1995 through February 1997.] Today, I want to share with you some of my thoughts about the possibilities and limitations of government. These thoughts are focused around a simple question: Why is it so difficult to implement even Pareto improvements? Working in Washington, I quickly saw that although a few potential changes were strictly Pareto improvements, there were many other changes that would hurt only a small, narrowly defined group (for example, increasing the efficiency of the legal system might hurt lawyers). But if everyone except a narrowly defined special interest group could be shown to benefit, surely the change should be made. In practice, however, “almost everyone” was rarely sufficient in government policy-making and often such near-Pareto improvements did not occur. My major theme will be to provide a set of explanations for why this might be so. I shall put forward four hypotheses in this lecture, each of which provides part of the explanation for the failure in at least one instance of a proposed Pareto improvement. These hypotheses, like much of the literature on government failures, focus on the role of incentives: how misaligned incentives can induce government officials to take actions that are not, in any sense, in the public interest.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ron S Phillips

In January 2016, the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal released its decision regarding the provision of Child and Family Services to First Nations living on reserves and the Yukon. The Tribunal found that the government of Canada had discriminated against First Nations children on the basis of their race. Many of the arguments made by the government of Canada to describe their actions in the provision of First Nations child and family services can be easily transferred to the provision of First Nations education programs and services to First Nations children throughout Canada. This article has replaced child and family services terms and phrases with education terms and phrases in the decision. Hopefully, the federal government of Canada will see the futility of fighting First Nations in education as they did in child and family services. It is time to provide First Nations students on reserves a comprehensive system of education.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-245
Author(s):  
Ron Sydney Phillips

In Canada, education is generally referred to as being the exclusive constitutional responsibility of the provinces and territories. However, the federal government has a constitutional responsibility. This responsibility comes from the Constitution Act 1982 and Treaties 1 - 11 between the Crown (i.e., The Government of Canada) and First Nations throughout Canada. It is very difficult to find any mention of the federal government’s constitutional education responsibilities in the literature or documents. This has allowed the federal government to downplay their educational responsibilities throughout Canada and the world. This paper examines the federal government’s constitutional responsibilities in First Nations education and makes recommendations.


Author(s):  
Diane Songco

Constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians has been a longstanding national movement reflective of the international struggle of Indigenous communities within a colonial framework. The Uluru Statement from the Heart, delivered at the 2017 National Constitutional Convention, addressed to the Australian public, called for support in the creation of constitutional reforms to build on changes made in the 1967 Referendum. Glen Sean Coulthard’s Red Skin, White Masks takes a difference stance on recognition for Indigenous peoples, specifically citing First Nations peoples in North America. In understanding the goals of the Uluru Statement and the arguments raised in Red Skin, White Masks, constitutional recognition may begin to address vital problems such as the dispossession of Indigenous land and lack of inclusion in state politics, but its existence as part of the settler-colonial governance will always act as a deterrent for true decolonization.


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