scholarly journals Soviet Lithuania: A Failed Conservative Experiment?

2010 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
Rytis Bulota
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Sexual Revolution ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The West ◽  
Moral Systems ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Conservative Values ◽  
The Cold War

As scholars of international relations have noted, the Cold War, which ended with the defeat of the Soviet Union was largely a propaganda war (Halliday), based on conflicting values. Yet it was not a war between the communist and capitalist moral systems; rather, it was a war between the traditionalist conservative values, promoted in the USSR when Stalin came to power and liberal or, so-called ‘progressive’ values. While the capitalist West was able to accommodate the values of the 1968 sexual revolution and the further spread of various rights, the Soviet Union clung to a version of Victorian morals in the USSR. When Stalin came to power, the Soviet Union was oriented not towards the future in terms of morality, (what Marxism is alleged to be all about), but firmly towards the past. In the light of its values the period of Sąjūdis can be characterized, on one hand, as an uneasy alliance between the traditionalists, for whom the Soviet regime was oppressive mainly because of the loss of national sovereignty and the oppression of the Catholic Church, without having any major disagreements about morals, and the West-looking part of Lithuanian society, longing for developments similar to those in the West. To borrow the dichotomy from Isaiah Berlin, the Lithuanian independence movement had one part striving for collective, positive freedom and another, which was strove for negative, personal freedom and the advancement of human rights. This dichotomy is still present in Lithuania and the system of morality, preserved by the Soviet period, is the base on which the traditionalist position stands.

J. Edgar Hoover, the FBI, and the Religious Cold War

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dianne Kirby
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Christian Communities ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Post War ◽  
American Catholic ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
American Catholic Church

Despite Hoover's efforts to develop an alliance with the American Catholic Church, other Christian communities came under suspicion during the Cold War. This chapter by Dianne Kirby examines the surveillance of communities during the Cold War period that had transatlantic links and supported the continuation of the alliance with the Soviet Union or developed other contacts beyond the Iron Curtain. Her case studies include surveillance of the Russian Orthodox Church in America, which in the course of the war sought to transfer allegiance to the Moscow Patriarchate, a move that was stymied in the post-war period by deteriorating US-Soviet relations and Roman Catholic opposition.

The Sociology of New Thinking: Elites, Identity Change, and the End of the Cold War

2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert English
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Identity Change ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New Thinking ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Gorbachev Era ◽  
General Secretary

This article recounts the origins of Soviet “new thinking” as a case study of how Soviet intellectuals sought to redefine national identity in response to the West. It demonstrates that new thinking was fundamentally normative, not instrumental, insofar as it was developed in a period (1950s–1960s) when “socialism” was thought to be materially outperforming capitalism. It also demonstrates that new thinking decisively affected Soviet policy in the second half of the 1980s. Putting forth a socialization argument to show how newthinking ideas originated in the post-Stalin period within a community of intellectuals, the article charts the growing influence of these intellectuals through the 1970s and 1980s. In the mid-1980s, when Gorbachev became general secretary of the Communist Party and empowered many of the new thinkers as advisers, their liberal, Westernizing ideas played an indispensable role in shaping his reforms. The analysis focuses on mechanisms of identity change at two levels: that of the community of reformist intellectuals, and that of the Soviet Union itself. The analysis challenges realist and rationalist views that new thinking was largely instrumental. Until the Gorbachev era, Soviet reformers advocated new-thinking ideas often at the risk of their personal, professional, and institutional interests.

The Indian Ocean Creole Islands: Geo-politics and Decolonisation

1992 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 465-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Houbert
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International System ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Indian Ocean ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
North And South ◽  
Radical Transformation

Decolonisation was a policy of the West, as well as a process reflecting the radical transformation of the configuration of power in the international system. The Soviet Union, perceived as poised to dominate Eurasia, had to be ‘contained’ lest it expanded into the Rimland and challenged the West at sea. This geo-political obsession was reinforced by the ‘loss of China’ and the outbreak of the bitter struggle between North and South Korea. But the cold war was about ideology as well as military power, and containment was therefore not just a question of building pacts but of fostering the ‘right’ kind of political régimes.

scholarly journals Creature features: The lively narratives of bacteriophages in Soviet biology and medicine

2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-597
Author(s):  
Dmitriy Myelnikov
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The West ◽  
War Narratives ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Therapeutic Uses ◽  
Viral Nature ◽  
Post War ◽  
Scientific Narratives ◽  
The Cold War

The term ‘bacteriophage’ (devourer of bacteria) was coined by Félix d'Herelle in 1917 to describe both the phenomenon of spontaneous destruction of bacterial cultures and an agent responsible. Debates about the nature of bacteriophages raged in the 1920s and 1930s, and there were extensive attempts to use the phenomenon to fight infections. Whereas it eventually became a crucial tool for molecular biology, therapeutic uses of ‘phage’ declined sharply in the West after World War II, but persisted in the Soviet Union, particularly Georgia. Increasingly isolated from Western medical research, Soviet scientists developed their own metaphors of ‘phage’, its nature and action, and communicated them to their peers, medical professionals, and potential patients. In this article, I explore four kinds of narrative that shaped Soviet phage research: the mystique of bacteriophages in the 1920s and 1930s; animated accounts and military metaphors in the 1940s; Lysenkoist notions on bacteriophages as a phase in bacterial development; and the retrospective allocation of credit for the discovery of the bacteriophage during the Cold War. Whereas viruses have been largely seen as barely living, phage narratives consistently featured heroic liveliness or ‘animacy’, which framed the growing consensus on its viral nature. Post-war narratives, shaped by the Lysenkoist movement and the campaigns against adulation of the West, had political power—although many microbiologists remained sceptical, they had to frame their critique within the correct language if they wanted to be published. The dramatic story of bacteriophage research in the Soviet Union is a reminder of the extent to which scientific narratives can be shaped by politics, but it also highlights the diversity of strategies and alternative interpretations possible within those constraints.

scholarly journals From Social Justice to Metaphor: The Whitening of Othello in the Russian Imagination

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (38) ◽  
pp. 75-89
Author(s):  
Natalia Khomenko
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
First Century ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Close Attention ◽  
The West ◽  
Racial Conflict ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
White Face ◽  
Cultural Fantasy

Othello was the most often-staged Shakespeare play on early Soviet stages, to a large extent because of its ideological utility. Interpreted with close attention to racial conflict, this play came to symbolize, for Soviet theatres and audiences, the destructive racism of the West in contrast with Soviet egalitarianism. In the first decades of the twenty-first century, however, it is not unusual for Russian theatres to stage Othello as a white character, thus eliminating the theme of race from the productions. To make sense of the change in the Russian tradition of staging Othello, this article traces the interpretations and metatheatrical uses of this character from the early Soviet period to the present day. I argue that the Soviet tradition of staging Othello in blackface effectively prevented the use of the play for exploring the racial tensions within the Soviet Union itself, and gradually transformed the protagonist’s blackness into a generalized metaphor of oppression. As post-collapse Russia embraced whiteness as a category, Othello’s blackness became a prop that was entirely decoupled from race and made available for appropriation by ethnically Slavic actors and characters. The case of Russia demonstrates that staging Othello in blackface, even when the initial stated goals are those of racial equality, can serve a cultural fantasy of blackness as a versatile and disposable mask placed over a white face.

scholarly journals Book Review: Heidi Blake, From Russia with Blood: The Kremlin’s Ruthless Assassination Program and Vladimir Putin’s Secret War on the West. New York: Mulholland Books, 2019.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 50-52
Author(s):  
Aaron J. Cuevas
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
The West ◽  
Economic Liberalism ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Secret War

In the years following the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, Western leaders and political scientists lauded the turning point in history as a momentous triumph of democracy and economic liberalism over communism and the doomed command economic model. Western nations and the United Kingdom in particular, saw the period immediately after the Soviet collapse as an opportunity for political and economic cooperation not seen in more than a half century. Lavish public relations events including state dinners, meetings with the Queen of England and inclusion on the G-8 Economic Council were all extended to and accepted by Russia’s president in the years following what many in the West considered a victory for global democracies everywhere. Yet in Heidi Blake’s book, From Russia with Blood: The Kremlin’s Ruthless Assassination Program and Vladimir Putin’s Secret War on the West, what becomes vividly clear is that to Putin, this event marked the “greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century” (p.12), and he laid the blame squarely on the West.

scholarly journals Voci libere in URSS

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
International Level ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Conceptual Overview

Free Voices in the USSR is a project dedicated to the myriad of independent voices present in the culture of dissent in the Soviet Union in the second half of the twentieth century. Its aim is to offer a conceptual overview of the many forms of dissent by exploring two main thematic areas, the first devoted to “free voices” in the USSR and the second focused on reception in the West. The different manifestations of the USSR’s ‘Second Culture’, which was non-official and independent, spread thanks to the samizdat (the clandestine publication and circulation of texts within the USSR) and the tamizdat (the publication of texts forbidden in the USSR in the West). The reception of non-official forms of expression in the West is explored in the context of the debates arising from the Cold War; the role of the West in engaging with the literary, cultural and artistic challenges to the Soviet regime from within its own borders proved fundamental. Contributions to this website including critical essays, bio-bibliographic entries, archive information and the review and cataloguing of magazines are the result of coordinated research by a group of specialists at an international level.

The United States and the Cold War: from Truman to Eisenhower (1948–53)

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Heller
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Jewish People ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter shows the change in America’s attitude towards Israel, from opposition to de jure recognition of Israel’s military capabilities for the west during ther Korean war. While in 1948 secretary of state General Marshall warned against an enduring conflict with the Arabs, Truman recognized it de facto. However, the state department continued to treart Israel as a liability. Henry Byroade claimed that Israel should not be the homeland of the Jewish people. Israel was left outside of strategic western alliances because it was assumed that its membership might push the Arabs towards the Soviet Union. The notion that Truman’s administration was pro-Israel is a myth. Although Truman himself was sympathetic, the State Department and the Pentagon did not consider Israel an asset.

Reading Evgeny Messner

2018 ◽  
pp. 49-74
Author(s):  
Ofer Fridman
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Place ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Short Introduction ◽  
Russian School ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Post Soviet Period

This chapter explores the works of Evgeny Messner, an Imperial Russian émigré officer whose books were prohibited in the USSR due to his strong anti-Communist views. After the Cold War, however, his works have become increasingly popular, taking a more central place within the Russian school of military thinking. After a short introduction of the author and his career, the chapter explores the concept of “Subversion-War” (Myatezhevoyna), developed by Messner during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Due to his anti-Communist views and alliance with the White Movement, and later with Nazi Germany, Messner remained generally unknown in the Soviet Union. In the post-Soviet period, however, Messner’s works have become available to a broader range of military thinkers, and there has been a growing revival of Messner’s concept of subversion-war to analyze the contemporary geopolitical situation and political, military and economic confrontations.

Violence and the New Internationalism, 1988–2003

2020 ◽  
pp. 175-197
Author(s):  
Laura Robson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
West Bank ◽  
The West ◽  
Considerable Promise ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
First Intifada ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Resistance Movement

This chapter looks at the first intifada—a grassroots resistance movement that emerged in the West Bank and Gaza in late 1987 and showed considerable promise before being crushed by Israeli military might. Its collapse also coincided with the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, marking the beginning of a new American tactic of supposed humanitarian concern for ethnically or communally defined victims of a regime as a pretext for military action intended to ensure resource access, especially to oil. These arguments for and practices of occupation not only invigorated and intensified internal ethnic and communal tensions within the Iraqi state, but also fueled new forms of Islamist opposition that had never before flourished in the Mashriq.

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