scholarly journals Neutrality in the Context of the European Security Complex

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kateryna Maydibura
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Security ◽  
Security System ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
European Security ◽  
Collective Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The One

Nowadays the problem of neutrality (especially in the context of the security sphere) in the theory and practice of international relations is one of the important issues on the agenda, since the dynamism of the international security system and the emergence of new players in the international arena call into question the «expediency» of its implementation in the real foreign policy course. This issue is especially acute in the context of the functioning of the European security complex, since it is, first of all, based on the principles of the involvement of all European states in resolving security issues. In the article, the author notes that the position of neutrality can be revised in accordance with the conditions in which the state currently operates, which, in turn, provides more opportunities for the institutional and meaningful design of the collective security system in Europe. This possibility is associated, on the one hand, with the internal nature and perception of neutrality by states. On the other hand, this «flexibility» is the result of the post-Cold War change in the international security system. Key words: neutrality; collective security; collective security system in Europe.

Reflections on Lawrence Freedman’s ‘Deterrence’

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick M. Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Social Relationship ◽  
International Security ◽  
First Century ◽  
Social Aspects ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Social Strategy ◽  
The Social ◽  
The One

This chapter focuses on the social aspects of strategy, arguing for the importance of relationships in strategy and, in particular, in understanding of deterrence. Deterrence, in its essence, is predicated upon a social relationship – the one deterring and the one to be deterred. Alliance and cooperation are important in generating the means for actively managing international security. Following Freedman’s work on deterrence in the post-Cold War context, ever greater interaction and interdependence might instill a stronger sense of international community, in which more traditional and ‘relatively primitive’ notions of deterrence can be developed. However, this strategic aspiration relies on international, especially transatlantic, social cohesion, a property that weakened in the twenty-first century, triggering new threats from new kinds of opponent. The need for a sophisticated and social strategy for managing international security is made all the more necessary.

scholarly journals Conceptualizing Soft Balancing Beyond Cold War. What’s Changed, What Remains the Same?

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 65-91
Author(s):  
Mila Larionova
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Empirical Potential ◽  
Soft Balancing

This article is a systematic inquiry into the nature and role of soft balancing in the contemporary theory and practice of international relations. By wading into the contentious debate concerning the place and legitimacy of soft balancing, the article explores the theoretical prominence of the concept and adds methodological content to the study. Thus, the research produces a quantitative corpus-based and thematic analysis of the existing soft balancing literature to demarcate the boundary of the concept. This approach enables the author to enhance conventional theorization and not only identify the main gaps within the existing studies but go beyond the popular post-Cold War era discussion. Additionally, this article addresses the question of how soft balancing is distinguished from other concepts in the balance of power theory. Ultimately, the study reveals that despite its theoretical and empirical potential, the soft balancing research agenda remains underdeveloped, largely due to the limitation in the empirical content. Precisely, the empirical studies are limited to balance of power rhetoric akin to hard vs. soft and its implications for the United States’ hegemonic power.

The European Security and Defence Policy: Defining the European Union as a Rational Actor in International Security

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan-Camilo Castillo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
Close Relation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Rational Actor ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War

The main objective of this article is to analyze how the European Union, through its Security and Defence Policy, has become a rational actor in international security matters since the end of the Cold War. It will analyze the close relation that exists between European integration and the notion of continental collective security. Also the new post-Cold War concerns that present a potential risk to the EU are going to be examined, and consequently how they affect the rationality of this institution as an actor. Finally the last section will explore the divergence between Europe and America in matters of security and the way this political drift may create a situation in which NATO can become irrelevant in regards of European defence.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i3.189

scholarly journals The European Security and Defence Policy: Defining the European Union as a Rational Actor in International Security

2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan-Camilo Castillo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
Close Relation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Rational Actor ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War

The main objective of this article is to analyze how the European Union, through its Security and Defence Policy, has become a rational actor in international security matters since the end of the Cold War. It will analyze the close relation that exists between European integration and the notion of continental collective security. Also the new post-Cold War concerns that present a potential risk to the EU are going to be examined, and consequently how they affect the rationality of this institution as an actor. Finally the last section will explore the divergence between Europe and America in matters of security and the way this political drift may create a situation in which NATO can become irrelevant in regards of European defence.

scholarly journals Introduction: India–East Asia Relations in the Post-COVID-19 Era

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
RAJIV KUMAR
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
The Us ◽  
Relationship Change ◽  
The One ◽  
New Phase

This article argues that India-East Asia relations are likely to enter a new phase in the post-COVID-19 era. The COVID-19 pandemic has hastened the decline of the post-Cold War liberal order that has so far promoted mutual trust and cooperation and underpinned peace and prosperity. This development has enormous implications for East Asia’s international relations. Indeed, significant changes appear to have occurred in the region during the pandemic. On the one hand, the pandemic has accelerated China's growing supremacy, but on the other hand, it has also enhanced its rivalry with all major liberal powers, including the US, India, Japan and Australia. Moreover, the geo-economic front has also witnessed drastic changes as pandemic-induced economic nationalism, economic retaliation, and supply chain restructuring have swept across the region. Hence, it is not premature to proclaim the post-pandemic East Asia will differ from the post-Cold War liberal era. That, in turn, raises important questions: How has the COVID-19 influenced India–East Asia relations? Will the post-COVID-19 era transform India's ties with East Asia? If so, how will this relationship change, and to what extent? This article, and this special issue more broadly, seek to answer these questions. In doing so, we first examine the major geopolitical and geo-economic issues between India and East Asia. Thereafter, we analyze India's relations with South Korea, China, Japan and ASEAN.

4. The Middle East Since the Cold War: Movement without Progress

2019 ◽  
pp. 80-104
Author(s):  
Bahgat Korany
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Security Patterns ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The Past ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter focuses on the Middle East during the post-Cold-War era. It introduces some the key themes that have come to dominate contemporary international relations of the Middle East: oil; new and old conflicts; the impacts of globalization; and religio-politics. In considering the major security patterns and trends in the Middle East, one finds a number of enduring issues, such as the Arab–Israeli conflict and border disputes. At the same time, one can see elements of change, both within these conflicts and with the emergence of recent threats, such as Iranian nuclearization, with profound consequences for regional alliance structures. As old and new security issues mingle in the geopolitical order, events of the past few years reflect a region dominated by conflict clusters. It is no surprise then that the Middle East remains a highly militarized region.

scholarly journals Truth Commissions and National Reconciliation: Some Reflections on Theory and Practice

2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Lerche
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Truth Commissions ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The One ◽  
National Reconciliation ◽  
International Status

The “Post-Cold War” world presents staggering contrasts. On the one hand, the threat of annihilation has receded, totalitarianism seems to be in retreat and there is greater interest in such issues as sustainable development, human rights and good governance. On the other hand, however, political and economic instability seem chronic in many regions, and there is a sense of drift both within many countries and at the global level. Prominent on the “new agenda” of world politics is the apparent rising tide of communal conflicts around the planet: a trend which has both positive and negative aspects. Communalism is a threat to both the material and ideational foundations of the nation-state, and potentially, to the entire international status quo; but precisely because communal conflicts so often turn violent and have proved resistant to traditional methods of containment and resolution, they have stimulated the search for more innovative, more comprehensive, and more fully human approaches to dealing with conflict.

The United States and the osce after the Ukraine Crisis

2015 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Terrence Hopmann
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cyber Warfare ◽  
European Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Ukraine Crisis

Ever since negotiations on the Helsinki Final Act opened in Helsinki in 1973, the United States has regarded the Conference (later Organization) on Security and Co-operation in Europe with some ambivalence. The role of the Helsinki Final Act in establishing a normative regime that contributed significantly to undermining the authoritarian regimes in the former Warsaw Pact countries, eventually bringing an end to the Cold War, is widely recognized and appreciated in the United States. However, the expanded post-Cold War role of the osce has received less attention in us foreign policy and, with respect to issues of European security, has clearly been assigned a secondary role in that policy behind the nato Alliance. Those knowledgeable about the osce in the United States widely regard its role in positive terms on issues such as human rights, rights of persons belonging to minorities, rule of law, election monitoring and other “soft” security issues. However, the osce role in “hard” security issues has been given little attention and receives only limited support, due largely to its inability to achieve consensus on most serious security problems and its lack of resources to effectively implement those decisions that it takes. Nevertheless, the recent crisis in Ukraine has awakened us interest in the osce as the institutional framework best able to manage that crisis. The challenge for the German Chairmanship in 2016 will be to build upon this renewed us attention to the osce’s role in “hard” security issues, in promoting negotiated resolutions to this and other stalemated conflicts, in rebuilding the badly damaged regime of confidence-building measures and conventional arms control, as well as responding, within the multilateral osce framework, to new security threats, such as cyber warfare and countering violent extremism.

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