«Over-production» management in the Soviet economy (1930-1980s)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 42-60
Author(s):  
Mikhail Beznin ◽  
Tatiana Dimoni

The article analyzes management, concentrated in the organs of the Communist party, Soviet, and economic bodies. Their place in the organization of economic life is considered, the specifics of the functions of different management segments are defined, and information about their number is provided. The methods of work of “over-production” management, the material status of the highest part of the managerial class are also analyzed.

Author(s):  
A. G. Ryabchenko ◽  
I. D. Zolotareva

The article attempts to reveal the main peculiarities of the development of the social and economic sphere of the USSR in 1920-1930, as the most difficult period of development of Soviet statehood, the period of creation of a powerful administrative-command system of administration. The political leadership of the USSR considered that all phenomena in the economic life of the country should have been under the tight control and leadership of the ruling Communist Party. The system of counteracting various abuses in the economy was closely interconnected and mutually agreed with the economic policy of the State. In the second half of the 1920s, the party leadership set a task for the country: to achieve significant economic growth, the basis of which was to be the reconstruction of the national economy. The economy itself, the bulk of it, was to become «on socialist rails.» This, in turn, meant a strong expansion of the public sector by displacing other sectors of the economy, primarily private sectors. Control of the ruling party of the Communist Party (b) of the socio-economic life of the country became absolute. The results presented in the article can be used by the state authorities as both positive and negative experience in the development of the two leading spheres of public life of the Soviet State.


Author(s):  
Žarko Lazarević

AbstractThe replacement of elites was integral to the adoption of a centrally planned economy based on the Soviet model. As a result of the changes in the political and economic system pre-war elites were completely stripped of their social functions, and their members were politically and socially marginalised as individuals. The ways in which elites were recruited changed. Education or expertise did not remain crucial factors in the recruitment process, evident in the fact that in 1948 as much as 68 percent of the leading cadre of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had only primary school education, while an additional ten per cent had not even completed this level of education. Political loyalty in the form of Communist party membership was the most important criterion. In the centralised structure of that time individual members of the Communist Party leadership also played an extremely important role. A large group of collaborators and supporters formed around them, who then occupied the leading positions at various levels of economic life.


1970 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wang Gungwu

During the past 20 years, the politics of the Chinese in Malaya has been a subject of international interest.The Malayan Communist Party has been predominantly Chinese; it was Chinese politics in Singapore (briefly part of Malaysia) which produced the phenomenon of Lee Kuan Yew; and the Kuala Lumpur riots of May 1969 are widely thought to have been efforts to stem a Chinese challenge to Malay supremacy. The Chinese in West Malaysia, especially when taken together with those in Singapore, have earned the attention of governments, journalists and scholars alike. They form the largest concentration of Chinese outside of Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong; their economic life is among the most sophisticated in Asia; their social and cultural life probably the most complex that Chinese anywhere have ever known; and, above all, their political life has been more open and exposed than that of any other kind of Chinese. This last, their political life, has been difficult to evaluate for a number of reasons. The main reason is that two contradictory views about them have long prevailed: that the Chinese are non-political and that the Chinese are political in a secretive and inscrutable way. These views are based on a concept of politics in the democratic tradition and are either anachronistic or misleading. Chinese, Malay and colonial political systems have been, in varying degrees, authoritarian, and Chinese political life must be seen in that context except in the period 1957–69.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ota Šik

WHEN DISCUSSING COMMUNIST IDEOLOGY IT IS NECESSARY TO DIFferentiate between two varying - indeed opposite views. Firstly there are the parties, organizations and institutions in countries within the Soviet sphere of influence (including parties in the West which are identified politically and ideologically with the USSR). Secondly the large number of parties and groups, which claim to be communist, and derive their ideology from Marx, Engels and Lenin, but which are highly critical of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its ideology. Although these fundamentalist groups are numerous and splintered they can be categorized into two mainstreams of thought: Maoist and Trotskyite. The Maoist ideology is not only the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party but also that of smaller, so called Maostic groups in the West.


1920 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-33
Author(s):  
Gordon S. Watkins

On October 15, 1919, a press dispatch from Buffalo, New York, indicated that the primary election returns in that city gave an average of about three hundred votes to the three candidates whose names appeared on the ballot as representatives of the Communist party, the protagonist of the soviet form of government in the United States. The total number of votes cast was 54,000, which shows that the Communist vote was insignificant, numerically. Newspapers ridiculed the diminutive radical vote. All phenomena have a genesis, and it is the fact that a Communist ballot was cast rather than the quantitative character of the vote that has significance for the student of political philosophy and action. To those who saw the revolutionary left wing of the old Socialist party organize the Communist party and the Communist Labor party in Chicago during the first week of September, 1919, this initial appearance of the revolutionary Communists in American political life presages important developments. The event was heralded by revolutionists in this country and in Europe as the emergence of a new era in the political and economic life of the United States. The widespread dissemination of ultra-radical propaganda in connection with recent strikes is further evidence of the revolutionary purposes of Communists in America.Optimistic prophecies are prevalent to the effect that bolshevism will find no fertile soil in the United States, since American workmen are too prosperous to become susceptible to revolutionary political and industrial philosophy. Similar predictions were voiced even on the floor of the Socialist emergency convention and the Communist Labor party convention last September.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Kaple

This article chronicles the interactions between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC) during the years of the Sino-Soviet alliance (1949–1960) as experienced by the Soviet advisers in China. Based on interviews, archival sources, and other materials, the article shows that the Soviet advisers who came to the PRC during that time brought with them the management techniques of the late Stalin period, known as High Stalinism (meaning strict Communist Party control over all aspects of political, cultural, and economic life and severe management methods including a heavy reliance on mass methods, education and reeducation techniques, coercion, and the threat of imprisonment). High Stalinism was a useful management tool that fit into Mao Zedong's own plan for the “economic Stalinization” of China and helped to pave the way for Mao's later radicalization. After differences emerged between the two countries in 1956 about the merits of de-Stalinization, Mao and the Chinese Communist Party began promoting radical policies such as the Great Leap Forward, which dramatically deviated from the Soviet experience and led to the removal of Soviet advisers in 1960.


1935 ◽  
Vol 14 (7) ◽  
pp. 410
Author(s):  
F. Allen ◽  
F. Pearson ◽  
George Still ◽  
R.H. Youngash ◽  
E.T. Cooke ◽  
...  

2003 ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
M. Voeykov

The original version of "the theory of economy management", developed in the 1920s by Russian economists-emigrants who called themselves "Eurasians" (N. Trubetskoy, P. Savitskiy, etc.) is analyzed in the article. They considered this theory to be the basis of the original Russia's way of economic development. The Eurasian theory of economy management focuses on two sides of enterprise activity: managerial as well as social and moral. The Eurasians accepted the Soviet economy with the large share of state regulation as the initial step of development. On the other hand they paid much attention to the private sector activity. Eurasians developed a theoretical model of the mixed economy which can be attributed as the Russian economic school.


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